History shows, then, that Paris, as the head of France, was accustomed to think and act vigorously for herself in time of revolution.  But experience proved no less plainly that the limbs, that is, the country districts, generally refused to follow the head in these fantastic movements.  Hence, after a short spell of St. Vitus’ activity, there always came a time of strife, followed only too often by torpor, when the body reduced the head to a state of benumbed subjection.  The triumph of rural notions accounts for the reactions of 1831-47, and 1851-70.  Paris having once more regained freedom of movement by the fall of the Second Empire on September 4, at once sought to begin her politico-social experiments, and, as we pointed out, only the promptitude of the “moderates,” when face to face with the advancing Germans, averted the catastrophe of a socialistic regime in Paris during the siege.  Even so, the Communists made two determined efforts to gain power; the former of these, on October 31, nearly succeeded.  Other towns in the centre and south, notably Lyons, were also on the brink of revolutionary socialism, and the success of the movement in Paris might conceivably have led to a widespread trial of the communal experiment.  The war helped to keep matters in the old lines.

But now, the feelings of rage at the surrender of Paris and the cession of the eastern districts of France, together with hatred of the monarchical assembly that flouted the capital by sitting at the abode of the old Kings of France, served to raise popular passion to fever heat.  The Assembly undoubtedly made many mistakes:  it authorised the payment of rents and all other obligations in the capital for the period of siege as if in ordinary times, and it appointed an unpopular man to command the National Guards of Paris.  At the close of February the National Guards formed a Central Committee to look after their interests and those of the capital; and when the Executive of the State sent troops of the line to seize their guns parked on Montmartre, the Nationals and the rabble turned out in force.  The troops refused to act against the National Guards, and these murdered two Generals, Lecomte and Thomas (March 18).  Thiers and his Ministers thereupon rather tamely retired to Versailles, and the capital fell into the hands of the Communists.  Greater firmness at the outset might have averted the horrors that followed.

The Communists speedily consulted the voice of the people by elections conducted in the most democratic spirit.  In many respects their programme of municipal reforms marked a great improvement on the type of town-government prevalent during the Empire.  That was, practically, under the control of the imperial prefets.  The Communists now asserted the right of each town to complete self-government, with the control of its officials, magistrates, National Guards, and police, as well as of taxation, education, and many other spheres of activity.  The more ambitious minds looked forward to a time when France would form a federation of self-governing Communes, whose delegates, deciding matters of national concern, would reduce the executive power to complete subservience.  At bottom this Communal Federalism was the ideal of Rousseau and of his ideal Cantonal State.