The Development of the European Nations, 1870-1914 (5th ed.) eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 780 pages of information about The Development of the European Nations, 1870-1914 (5th ed.).

The Development of the European Nations, 1870-1914 (5th ed.) eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 780 pages of information about The Development of the European Nations, 1870-1914 (5th ed.).

The German ultimatum failed to cow Russia; and as she returned no answer, the Kaiser declared war on August 1.  He added by telegram that he had sought, in accord with England, to mediate between Russia and Austria, but the Russian mobilisation led to his present action.  In reply to the German demand at Paris the French Premier, M. Viviani, declared on August 1 at 1 P.M. that France would do that “which her interests dictated”—­an evasive reply designed to gain time and to see what course Russia would take.  The Kaiser having declared war on Russia, France had no alternative but to come to the assistance of her Ally.  But the Kaiser’s declaration of war against France did not reach Paris until August 3 at 6.45 P.M.[557] His aim was to leave France and Belgium in doubt as to his intentions, and meanwhile to mass overwhelming forces on their borders, especially that of Belgium.

[Footnote 557:  German White Book, Nos. 26, 27; French Yellow Book, No. 147.]

Meanwhile, on August 1, German officials detained and confiscated the cargoes of a few British ships.  On August 2 German troops violated the neutrality of Luxemburg.  On the same day Sir Edward Grey assured the French ambassador, M. Paul Cambon, that if the German fleet attacked that of France or her coasts, the British fleet would afford protection.  This assurance depended, however, on the sanction of Parliament.  It is practically certain that Parliament would have sanctioned this proceeding; and, if so, war would have come about owing to the naval understanding with France[558], that is, if Germany chose to disregard it.  But another incident brought matters to a clearer issue.  On August 3, German troops entered Belgium, though on the previous day the German ambassador had assured the Government of King Albert that no such step would be taken.  The pretext now was that the French were about to invade Belgium, as to which there was then, and has not been since, any proof whatever.

[Footnote 558:  British White Paper, No. 105 and Enclosures, also No. 116.]

Here we must go back in order to understand the action of the British, French, and German Governments.  They and all the Powers had signed the treaty of 1839 guaranteeing the independence of Belgium; and nothing had occurred since to end their engagement.  The German proposals of July 29, 1914, having alarmed Sir Edward Grey, he required both from Paris and Berlin assurances that neither Power would invade Belgium.  That of France on August 1 was clear and satisfactory.  On July 31 the German Secretary of State, von Jagow, declined to give a reply, because “any reply they [the Emperor and Chancellor] might give could not but disclose a certain amount of their plan of campaign in the event of war ensuing.”  As on August 2 the official assurances of the German ambassador at Brussels were satisfactory, the British Foreign Office seems to have felt no great alarm on this topic.  But at 7 P.M. of that evening the

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