of Pobyedonosteff.  In the eyes of some he is a conscientious zealot who believes in the mission of Holy Russia to vivify an age corrupted by democracy and unbelief; others regard him as the Russian Macchiavelli, straining his beliefs to an extent which his reason rejects, in order to gain power through the mechanism of the autocracy and the Greek Church.  The thin face, passionless gaze, and coldly logical utterance bespeak the politician rather than the zealot; yet there seems to be good reason for believing that he is a “fanatic by reflection,” not by temperament[229].  A volume of Reflections which he has given to the world contains some entertaining judgments on the civilisation of the West.  It may be worth while to select a few, as showing the views of the man who, through his pupil, influenced the fate of Russia and of the world.

[Footnote 229:  Russia under Alexander III., by H. von Samson-Himmelstierna, Eng. ed. ch. vii.]

Parliament is an institution serving for the satisfaction of the personal ambition, vanity, and self-interest of its members.  The institution of Parliament is indeed one of the greatest illustrations of human delusion. . . .  On the pediment of this edifice is inscribed, “All for the public good.”  This is no more than a lying formula:  Parliamentarism is the triumph of egoism—­its highest expression. . . .

From the day that man first fell, falsehood has ruled the world—­ruled it in human speech, in the practical business of life, in all its relations and institutions.  But never did the Father of Lies spin such webs of falsehood of every kind as in this restless age. . . .  The press is one of the falsest institutions of our time.

In the chapter “Power and Authority” the author holds up to the gaze of a weary world a refreshing vision of a benevolent despotism which will save men in spite of themselves.

Power is the depository of truth, and needs, above all things, men of truth, of clear intellects, of strong understandings, and of sincere speech, who know the limits of “yes” and “no,” and never transcend them, etc[230].

[Footnote 230:  Pobyedonosteff; his Reflections, Eng. ed.]

To this Muscovite Laud was now entrusted the task of drafting a manifesto in the interests of “power” and “truth.”

Meanwhile the Nihilists themselves had helped on the cause of reaction.  Even before the funeral of Alexander II. their executive committee had forwarded to his successor a document beseeching him to give up arbitrary power and to take the people into his confidence.  While purporting to impose no conditions, the Nihilist chiefs urged him to remember that two measures were needful preliminaries to any general pacification, namely, a general amnesty of all political offenders, as being merely “executors of a hard civic duty”; and “the convocation of representatives of all the Russian people for a revision and reform of all the private laws of the State, according to the will of the nation.”  In order that the election of this Assembly might be a reality, the Czar was pressed to grant freedom of speech and of public meetings[231].