The Development of the European Nations, 1870-1914 (5th ed.) eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 780 pages of information about The Development of the European Nations, 1870-1914 (5th ed.).

The Development of the European Nations, 1870-1914 (5th ed.) eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 780 pages of information about The Development of the European Nations, 1870-1914 (5th ed.).

Thus the weakness or the weariness of the States friendly to Bulgaria left the Czar a free hand in the personal feud on which he set such store.  Accordingly, on September 7, the Prince left Bulgaria amidst the lamentations of that usually stolid people and the sympathy of manly hearts throughout the world.  At Buda-Pesth and London there were ominous signs that the Czar must not push his triumph further.  Herr Tisza at the end of the month assured the Hungarian deputies that, if the Sultan did not choose to restore the old order of things in Southern Bulgaria, no other Power had the right to intervene there by force of arms.  Lord Salisbury, also, at the Lord Mayor’s banquet, on November 9, inveighed with startling frankness against the “officers debauched by foreign gold,” who had betrayed their Prince.  He further stated that all interest in foreign affairs centred in Bulgaria, and expressed the belief that the freedom of that State would be assured.

These speeches were certainly intended as a warning to Russia and a protest against her action in Bulgaria.  After the departure of Prince Alexander, the Czar hit upon the device of restoring order to that “much-tried” country through the instrumentality of General Kaulbars, a brother of the General who had sought to kidnap Prince Alexander three years before.  It is known that the despatch of the younger Kaulbars was distasteful to the more pacific and Germanophil chancellor, de Giers, who is said to have worked against the success of his mission.  Such at least is the version given by his private enemies, Katkoff and de Cyon[217].  Kaulbars soon succeeded in adding to the reputation of his family.  On reaching Sofia, on September 25, he ordered the liberation of the military plotters still under arrest, and the adjournment of the forthcoming elections for the Sobranje; otherwise Russia would not regard them as legal.  The Bulgarian Regents, Stambuloff at their head, stoutly opposed these demands and fixed the elections for October the 10th; whereupon Kaulbars treated the men of Sofia, and thereafter of all the chief towns, to displays of bullying rhetoric, which succeeded in blotting out all memories of Russian exploits of nine years before[218].

[Footnote 217:  Elie de Cyon, Histoire de l’Entente franco-russe, pp. 177-178.]

[Footnote 218:  The Russophil Drandar (op. cit. p. 214) calls these demands “remarqueblement moderees et sages”!  For further details of Kaulbars’ electioneering devices see Minchin, op. cit. pp. 327-330.]

Despite his menace, that 100,000 Russian troops were ready to occupy Bulgaria, despite the murder of four patriots by his bravos at Dubnitza, Bulgaria flung back the threats by electing 470 supporters of independence and unity, as against 30 Russophils and 20 deputies of doubtful views.  The Sobranje met at Tirnova, and, disregarding his protest, proceeded to elect Prince Waldemar of Denmark; it then confirmed Stambuloff in his almost dictatorial powers.  The Czar’s influence over the Danish Royal House led to the Prince promptly refusing that dangerous honour, which it is believed that Russia then designed for the Prince of Mingrelia, a dignitary of Russian Caucasia.

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