The American Missionary — Volume 44, No. 10, October, 1890 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 61 pages of information about The American Missionary — Volume 44, No. 10, October, 1890.

The American Missionary — Volume 44, No. 10, October, 1890 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 61 pages of information about The American Missionary — Volume 44, No. 10, October, 1890.
from their relation to the gravest problem of American statesmanship.  That problem will not be settled by the results of either of these current questions.  For at the bottom the real question is:  Shall knowledge and character and property become the possession of the colored race, and they thus be prepared for their place in American politics, industry and prosperity, or will they be allowed for the lack of these things to be crushed back into a condition of semi-slavery or be goaded to resistance or discouraged in poverty, pauperism and degradation?  That is a fundamental question.  For that, men should read, think, pray and work.

The Federal Election Bill And The Mississippi Convention.
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The ultimate aim of the Federal Election Bill in Congress, and of the Constitutional Convention in Mississippi, point in diametrically opposite directions.  They cannot be harmonized, and there is no middle way between them.  The Election Bill contemplates a “free ballot and fair count” for every voter, including the Negro.  The Mississippi Convention aims to restrict Negro suffrage.  In an address delivered by the President of the Convention, September 11th, he is reported to have said that:  “He did not propose to mince matters and hide behind a subterfuge, but if asked by anybody if it was the purpose of the Convention to restrict Negro suffrage, he would frankly say, ‘Yes; that is what we are here for.’” This Convention proposes to secure its object not by the force and fraud of earlier days, but by constitutional and legal methods—­or at least by what has constitutional and legal forms.  All this, however, is another attempt to achieve the impracticable.  As the Negro grows in intelligence and numbers, he will claim his right to vote.

On the other hand, the Congressional Election Bill or any other legislation intended to secure the privilege of voting to the Negro, if made practical, means a good deal.  If it is intended only to pass laws that shall be merely “glittering generalities” to vindicate the historic record of the Republican party, or to sanction its Platform and the Inaugural of the President—­that is easily done and will, of course, amount to nothing—­except as a political manoeuvre.  But if the movement “means business,” and is to be pushed to its legitimate result, then two things must be done:  the Negro must be qualified to vote and to be voted for; to elect officers and to hold office.  If the mass of illiterate and impoverished Negroes are to be represented in State Legislatures and in Congress by persons as ignorant and poor as they are themselves, these representatives will, of course, if in the majority, be liable to rule and ruin; if in a large minority, they will hold a balance of power that may easily be controlled by demagogues.  To educate this mass up to the point of intelligence and the acquisition of property is America’s great duty and the guaranty of her safety.

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The American Missionary — Volume 44, No. 10, October, 1890 from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.