But, beyond all the aid which is to be expected from a counter-revolution in the South, to be drawn from the ‘Alleghania’ region, there is one of vast importance, insisted upon in a series of articles published during the past year in the New York Knickerbocker Magazine, and which may be appropriately reconsidered in this connection.  Should the government of the United States, by one or more victories, obtain even a temporary sway over the South, it will only rest with itself to produce a powerful counter-revolution even in those districts which are blackest with slavery. Let it, when the time shall seem fit,—­and we urge no undue haste, and no premature meddling with the present plans or programme of those in power,—­simply proclaim Emancipation, offering to pay all loyal men for their slaves according to a certain rate.  The proportion of Union men who will then start into life, even in South Carolina, will be, doubtless, enormous.  It may be objected that many of these will merely profess Union sentiments for the time being.  But, on the other hand, those noted rebels who can have no hope of selling their slaves, save indeed to the Union professors, will have small love for the latter, and two parties can not fail to show themselves at once.  Those who hope to see the slave principle ultimately triumphant will oppose selling the chattels; those who wish to ‘realize’ at once on them, owing to temporary embarrassments, will urge it; and dissension of the most formidable character will be at once organized,—­precisely such dissension as the Southern press has long hoped to see between the dough-faces and patriots of the North, or between its labor and capital, or in any other disastrous dissension.

Be it borne in mind that the price of slaves is at present greatly depressed in the South.  Those who would sell would speedily acquire more, in the hope of a profit by selling to government.  Those too who would willingly act as brokers between those who wished to sell, but who would not dare to openly do so, would be very numerous.  Between these and the leaders of the ultra pro-slavery party there would be bitter feud.  Let a counter-revolutionary party once succeed in holding its own in the South, and the days of secession would speedily be numbered.  In a land where all rushes so rapidly to extremes, we should soon see the war carried on for us with a bitterness fully equal to that now manifested towards the North.

It is with no pleasant feelings that we thus commend counter-revolution.  It is the worst of war that it drives us to such considerations.  But what is to be done when our existence as a nation is at stake, and when we are opposed by a remorseless foe which would gladly ruin us irretrievably?  There is no halting half-way.  It was these endless scruples which interfered with the prevention of the war under the imbecile or traitorous Buchanan; it is lingering scruple and timidity which still inspires in thousands of cowardly hearts a dislike to face the grim danger and prevent it.