The Times, referring to the debate on the Irish Church, remarked that the viceroyalty was more and more ‘a mere ornament.’  It is really nothing more.  The viceroy has no actual power, and if he has statesmanship, it is felt to be out of place.  He can scarcely give public expression to his sentiments on any political questions without offending one party or the other, whereas the estate of the realm which he represents is neutral and ought to keep strictly to neutral ground.  As to the effect of the office in degrading the national spirit among the nobility and gentry, we could not have a better illustration than the fact that the amiable Lord Carlisle was accustomed, at the meeting of the Royal Dublin Society, to tell its members that the true aim, interest, glory, and destiny of Ireland was to be a pasture and a dairy for England,—­a compliment which seemed to have been gratefully accepted, or was at all events allowed to pass.

But even as an ‘ornament’ the viceregal system is a failure.  The Viceroy with his family ought to be the head of society in Ireland, just as the Queen is in England.  The royal family are the same to all parties and classes, showing no partiality on the ground of politics, but smiling with equal favour and recognition upon all.  In Ireland, however, a liberal lord lieutenant is generally shunned by the Conservative portion of the aristocracy, which forms the great majority of the class.  On the other hand the Conservatives flock in large numbers to the court of a Tory Viceroy, while Liberals stand aloof.  Instead therefore of being a centre of union to all sections of the best society, and bringing them together, so that they may know one another, and enjoy the advantages due to their rank, the viceregal court operates as a source of jealousy and division.  So that, looking at the institution as a mere ornament of society, as a centre of fashionable life and refining influences, facilitating intercourse between ranks and classes, bringing the owners of land and the men of commerce more in harmony, it is not worth preserving.  On the other hand it produces some of the worst features of conventionalism.  It cultivates flunkeyism and servility, while operating as a restraint upon the manly expression of opinion.  It fosters a spirit of spurious aristocracy, which shows itself in contempt for men who prefer honest industry to place-hunting and insolvent gentility.

But while I thus speak of the viceregal court as at present constituted, I still maintain that, like Hungary, this country is so peculiarly situated, and is animated by so strong a spirit of nationality, that it ought to have a court of its own, and a sovereign of its own.  The case of Hungary shows how easily this great boon might be granted, and how gratifying the results would be to all the parties concerned.  The Queen ought to reside in Ireland for some portion of the year.  A suitable palace should be provided for the royal family.  The Prince of Wales, during