lately emancipated popular leaders.  Upon Lord Anglesea’s recall the modern Whig model of statemanship was set up and followed:  popular grievances were allowed to remain unredressed; the discontent and violence engendered by those grievances were used from time to time for party purposes; the people were hung and bayoneted when their roused passions exceeded the due measure of factious requirement; and the state patronage was employed to stimulate and to reward a staff of demagogues, by whom the masses were alternately excited to madness, and betrayed, according to the necessities of the English factions.  When Russells and Greys were out or in danger, there were free promises of equal laws and privileges and franchises for oppressed Ireland; the minister expectant or trembling for his place, spoke loudly of justice and compensation, of fraternity and freedom.  To these key-notes the place-hunting demagogue pitched his brawling.  His talk was of pike-making, and sword-fleshing, and monster marching.  The simple people were goaded into a madness, the end whereof was for them suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, the hulks, and the gallows; for their stimulators, silk gowns and commissionerships and seats on the bench.  Under this treatment the public mind became debauched; the lower classes, forced to bear the charges of agitation, as well as to suffer its penalties, lost all faith in their social future; they saw not and looked not beyond the momentary excitement of a procession or a monster meeting.’

Sir Robert Peel, when introducing the Emancipation Bill, had to confess the utter failure of the coercive policy which had been so persistently pursued.  He showed that Ireland had been governed, since the Union, almost invariably by coercive acts.  There was always some political organisation antagonistic to the British Government.  The Catholic Association had just been suppressed; but another would soon spring out of its ashes, if the Catholic question were not settled.  Mr. O’Connell had boasted that he could drive a coach-and-six through the former act for its suppression; and Lord Eldon had engaged to drive ’the meanest conveyance, even a donkey cart, through the act of 1829.’  The new member for Oxford (Sir Robert Inglis) also stated that twenty-three counties in Ireland were prepared to follow the example of Clare.  ‘What will you do,’ asked Sir Robert Peel, ’with that power, that tremendous power, which the elective franchise, exercised under the control of religion, at this moment confers upon the Roman Catholics?  What will you do with the thirty or forty seats that will be claimed in Ireland by the persevering efforts of the agitators, directed by the Catholic Association, and carried out by the agency of every priest and bishop in Ireland?’ If Parliament began to recede there could be no limit to the retrogression.  Such a course would produce a reaction, violent in proportion to the hopes that had been excited.  Fresh rigours would become