those same people were rendered invincible by the conviction that truth, justice, and right were on their side.  But the freedom won by the men of 1776 was incomplete without the freedom for which the men of 1833 were striving.  The authors of the new declaration would not be inferior to the authors of the old “in purity of motive, in earnestness of zeal, in decision of purpose, intrepidity of action, in steadfastness of faith, in sincerity of spirit.”  Unlike the older actors, the younger had eschewed the sword, the spilling of human blood in defence of their principles.  Theirs was a moral warfare, the grappling of truth with error, of the power of love with the inhumanities of the nation.  Then it glances at the wrongs which the fathers suffered, and at the enormities which the slaves were enduring.  The “fathers were never slaves, never bought and sold like cattle, never shut out from the light of knowledge and religion, never subjected to the lash of brutal taskmasters,” but all these woes and more, an unimaginable mountain of agony and misery, was the appalling lot of the slaves in the Southern States.  The guilt of this nation, which partners such a crime against human nature, “is unequaled by any other on earth,” and therefore it is bound to instant repentance, and to the immediate restitution of justice to the oppressed.

The Declaration of Sentiments denies the right of man to hold property in a brother man, affirms the identity in principle between the African slave trade and American slavery, the imprescriptibility of the rights of the slaves to liberty, the nullity of all laws which run counter to human rights, and the grand doctrine of civil and political equality in the Republic, regardless of race and complexional differences.  It boldly rejects the principle of compensated emancipation, because it involves a surrender of the position that man cannot hold property in man; because slavery is a crime, and the master is not wronged by emancipation but the slaves righted, restored to themselves; because immediate and general emancipation would only destroy nominal, not real, property, the labor of the slaves would still remain to the masters and doubled by the new motives which freedom infuses into the breasts of her children; and, finally because, if compensation is to be given at all it ought to be given to those who have been plundered of their rights.  It spurns in one compact paragraph the pretensions of the colonization humbug as “delusive, cruel, and dangerous.”

But lofty and uncompromising as were the moral principles and positions of the declaration, it nevertheless recognized with perspicuity of vision the Constitutional limitations of the Federal Government in relation to slavery.  It frankly conceded that Congress had no right to meddle with the evil in any of the States.  But wherever the national jurisdiction reached the general government was bound to interfere and suppress the traffic in human flesh.  It was