new estate, “a very pious person, and that a
large proportion of the Abolitionists were religious
persons.... I have thought of you as another
Wilberforce—but would Wilberforce have spoken
thus of the day on which the Son of God rose from the
dead?” Garrison’s query in reply—“Would
Wilberforce have denied the identity of Christ with
the Father?”—was a palpable hit.
But as he himself justly remarked, “Such questions
are not arguments, but fallacies unworthy of a liberal
mind.” Nevertheless, so long as men are
attached to the leading strings of sentiment rather
than to those of reason, such questions will possess
tremendous destructive force, as Mr. Garrison, in his
own case, presently perceived. He understood
the importance of not arousing against him “denominational
feelings or peculiarities,” and so had steered
the
Liberator clear of the rocks of sectarianism.
But when he took up in its columns the Sabbath question
he ran his paper directly among the breakers of a
religious controversy. He saw how it was with
him at once, saw that he had stirred up against him
all that religious feeling which was crystallized
around the first day of the week, and that he could
not hope to escape without serious losses in one way
or another. “It is pretty certain,”
he writes Samuel J. May in September, 1836, “that
the
Liberator will sustain a serious loss in
its subscriptions at the close of the present volume;
and all appeals for aid in its behalf will be less
likely to prevail than formerly. I am conscious
that a mighty sectarian conspiracy is forming to crush
me, and it will probably succeed to some extent.”
This controversy over the Sabbath proved the thin
edge of differences and dissensions, which, as they
went deeper and deeper, were finally to rend asunder
the erstwhile united Abolition movement. The period
was remarkable for the variety and force of new ideas,
which were coming into being, or passing into general
circulation. And to all of them it seems that
Garrison was peculiarly receptive. He took them
all in and planted them in soil of extraordinary fertility.
It was immediately observed that it was not only one
unpopular notion which he had adopted, but a whole
headful of them. And every one of these new ideas
was a sort of rebel-reformer, a genuine man of war.
They had come as a protest against the then existing
beliefs and order of things, come as their enemies
and destroyers. Each one of them was in a sense
a stirrer-up of sedition against old and regnant relations
and facts, political, moral, and religious. Whoever
espoused them as his own, espoused as his own also
the antagonisms, political, moral, and religious which
they would excite in the public mind. All of
which was directly illustrated in the experience of
the editor of the Liberator. Each of these
new notions presently appeared in the paper along
with Abolitionism. What was his intention timid
people began to inquire? Did he design to carry