that there were deep and abiding changes made by it
in the court of public opinion in Boston and Massachusetts
on the subject of slavery there is little doubt.
It disgusted and alarmed many individuals who had
hitherto acted in unison with the social, business,
and political elements, which were at the bottom of
the riot. Francis Jackson, for instance, had been
one of the fifteen hundred signers of the call for
the great Faneuil Hall meeting of the 21st of August.
But on the afternoon of the 21st of October he threw
his house open to the Boston Female Anti-Slavery Society,
after its meeting had been broken up by the mob.
It seemed to him then that it was no longer a mere
struggle for the freedom of the slave, but for the
right of free speech and free discussion as well.
Dr. Henry I. Bowditch, a young man, in 1835, eminent
professor and physician subsequently, dates from that
afternoon of mob violence his conversion to Abolitionism.
In that selfsame hour seeds of resistance to slavery
were sown in two minds of the first order in the city
and State. Wendell Phillips was a spectator in
the streets that day, and the father of Charles Sumner,
the sheriff at the time, fought bravely to save Garrison
from falling into the hands of the mob. The great
riot gave those young men their first summons to enter
the service of freedom. It was not long afterward
probably that they both began to read the
Liberator.
From that event many intelligent and conservative
people associated slavery with lynch law and outrage
upon the rights of free speech and popular assembly.
This anti-slavery reaction of the community received
practical demonstration in the immediate increase
of subscribers to the Liberator. Twelve
new names were added to the subscription list in one
day. It received significant illustration also
in Garrison’s nomination to the legislature.
In this way did between seventy and eighty citizens
testify their sympathy for him and their reprobation
of mob rule. In yet another way was its influence
felt, and this was in the renewed zeal and activity
which it instantly produced on the part of the Abolitionists
themselves. It operated upon the movement as a
powerful stimulus to fresh sacrifices and unwearied
exertions. George W. Benson, Garrison’s
brother-in-law, led off bravely in this respect, as
the following extract from a letter written by him
in Boston, two days after the riot, to Garrison, at
Brooklyn, well illustrates. He had come up to
the city from Providence the night before, in quest
of his sister and her husband. Not finding them,
he turned to the cause which had been so ruthlessly
attacked, and this is the sort of care which he bestowed
upon it. He got Burleigh to write a general relation
of the mob for publication in the Liberator,
and Whittier to indite another, with an appeal to
the public, the same to be published immediately, and
of which he ordered three thousand copies for himself.