Court to enforce his rights of Imperial taxation, and adequate means for enforcing all Imperial powers by Imperial civil officers.  The Bill did not provide for the representation of Ireland in the Imperial Parliament on all Imperial questions, including questions relating to Imperial taxation, but it is fully understood that in any Bill which might hereafter be brought forward relating to Home Rule those defects would be remedied.

An examination, then, of the Home Rule Bill, that “child of revolution and parent of separation,” appears to lead irresistibly to two conclusions.  First, that Imperial rights and Imperial powers, representation for Imperial purposes, Imperial taxation—­in short, every link that binds a subordinate member of an Empire to its supreme head—­have been maintained unimpaired and unchanged.  Secondly, that, in granting Home Rule to discontented Ireland, that form of responsible government has been adopted which, as Mr. Merivale declares—­and his declaration subsequent events have more than verified—­when conferred on the discontented colonies, changed restless aspirations for separation into quiet loyalty.

That such a Bill as the Home Rule Bill should be treated as an invasion of Imperial rights is a proof of one, or perhaps of both, the following axioms—­that Bills are never read by their accusers, and that party spirit will distort the plainest facts.  The union of Great Britain and Ireland was not, so far as Imperial powers were concerned, disturbed by the Bill, and an Irishman remains a citizen of the British Empire under the Home Rule Bill, with the same obligations and the same privileges, on the same terms as before.  All the Bill did was to make his Irish citizenship distinct from his Imperial citizenship, in the same manner as the citizenship of a native of the State of New York is distinct from his citizenship as a member of the United States.  Now it has been found that the Central power in the United States has been more than a match for the State powers, and can it be conceived for a moment that the Imperial power of Great Britain should not be a match for the Local power of Ireland—­a State which has not one-seventh of the population or one-twentieth part of the income of the dominant community?

One argument remains to be noticed which the opponents of Home Rule urge as absolutely condemnatory of the measure, whereas, if properly weighed, it is conclusive in its favour.  Home Rule, they say, is a mere question of sentiment.  “National aspirations” are the twaddle of English enthusiasts who know nothing of Ireland.  What is really wanted is the reform of the Land Law.  Settle the agrarian problem, and Home Rule may be relegated to the place supposed to be paved with good intentions.  The Irish will straightway change their character, and become a law-abiding, contented, loyal people.  Be it so.  But suppose it to be proved that the establishment of an Irish Government, or, in other words, Home Rule, is an essential