out consistently the policy of treating Ireland as a subject country, there was no chance in the world of their approval.  Those of us, therefore, who represented large working-class constituencies became convinced that the solution of the Irish problem must be sought in conciliation and self-government, if only because the other solution, Crown Colony Government, was utterly repugnant to the English masses, in whom the Franchise Bill of 1884, completing that of 1867, had vested political supremacy.[5]

Session of 1885.—­The allied powers of Toryism and Nationalism gained in this year the victory they had so long striven for.  In February they reduced the Ministerial majority to fourteen; in June they overthrew the Ministry.  No one supposed that on either occasion the merits of the issue had anything to do with the Nationalist vote:  that vote was given simply and solely against the Government, as the Government which had passed the Coercion Acts of 1881 and 1882—­Acts demanded by the Tory party, and which had not conceded an Irish Parliament.  At last the Irish party had attained its position as the arbiter of power and office.  Some of us said, as we walked away from the House, under the dawning light of that memorable 9th of June, “This means Home Rule.”  Our forecast was soon to be confirmed.  Lord Salisbury’s Cabinet, formed upon the resignation of Mr. Gladstone’s, announced that it would not propose to renew any part of the Coercion Act of 1882, which was to expire in August.  Here was a surrender indeed!  But the Tory leaders went further.  They did not excuse themselves on the ground of want of time.  They took credit for their benevolence towards Ireland; they discovered excellent reasons why the Act should be dropped.  They even turned upon Lord Spencer, whose administration they had hitherto blamed for its leniency, and attacked him in Parliament, among the cheers of his Irish enemies.  From that time till the close of the General Election in December everything was done, short of giving public pledges, to keep the Irish leaders and the Irish voters in good humour.  The Tory party in fact posed as the true friends of Ireland, averse from coercion, and with minds perfectly open on the subject of self-government.

This change of front, so sudden, so unblushing, completed the process which had been going on in our minds.  By 1882 we had come to feel that Home Rule was inevitable, though probably undesirable.  Before long we had asked ourselves whether it was really undesirable, whether it might not be a good thing both for England, whose Parliament and Cabinet system it would relieve from impending dangers, while leaving free scope for domestic legislation, and for Ireland, which could hardly manage her affairs worse than we were managing them for her, and might manage them better.  And thus, by the spring of 1885, many of us were prepared for a large scheme of local self-government in Ireland, including a central legislative body in Dublin.[6]