We found that the House of Commons consisted of two
distinct and dissimilar bodies: a large British
body (including some few Tories and Liberals from Ireland),
which, though it was distracted by party quarrels,
really cared for the welfare of the country and the
dignity of the House, and would set aside its quarrels
in the presence of a great emergency; and a small Irish
body, which, though it spoke the English language,
was practically foreign, felt no interest in, no responsibility
for, the business of Britain or the Empire, and valued
its place in the House only as a means of making itself
so disagreeable as to obtain its release. When
we had grasped this fact, we began to reflect on its
causes and conjecture its effects. We had read
of the same things in the newspapers, but what a difference
there is between reading a drama in your study and
seeing it acted on the stage! We realized what
Irish feeling was when we heard these angry cries,
and noted how appeals that would have affected English
partisans fell on deaf ears. I remember how one
night in the summer of 1880, when the Irish members
kept us up very late over some trivial Bill of theirs,
refusing to adjourn till they had extorted terms, a
friend, sitting beside me, said, “See how things
come round. They keep us out of bed till five
o’clock in the morning because our ancestors
bullied theirs for six centuries.” And
we saw that the natural relations of an Executive,
even a Liberal Executive, to the Irish members were
those of strife. Whose fault it was we were unable
to decide. Perhaps the Government was too stiff;
perhaps the members were vexatious. Anyhow, this
strife was evidently the normal state of things, wholly
unlike that which existed between Scotch members,
to whichever party they belonged, and the executive
authorities of Scotland.
Thus the session of 1880, though it did not bring
us consciously nearer to Home Rule, impressed three
facts upon us: first, that the House of Lords
regarded Ireland solely from the point of view of English
landlords, sympathizing with Irish landlords; secondly,
that the House of Commons knew so little or cared
so little about Ireland that when the Executive declared
a measure essential to the peace of Ireland, it scarcely
resented the rejection of that measure by the House
of Lords; thirdly, that the Irish Nationalists in
the House of Commons were a foreign body, foreign
in the sense in which a needle which a man swallows
is foreign, not helping the organism to discharge its
functions, but impeding them, and setting up irritation.
We did not yet draw from these facts all the conclusions
we should now draw. But the facts were there,
and they began to tell upon our minds.