had the same, their national dislike—­so far as it exists—­might be expected to become as bearable as the Germans have found the feeling of the Czechs.  But how deep does Irish dislike go?  Is it directed against Englishmen, or against an English official system?  The answers of every impartial observer to the whole group of such questions as these favour the conclusion that the imputed hatred of England in Ireland has been enormously exaggerated and overcoloured by Ascendency politicians for good reasons of their own; that with the great majority of Irishmen it has no deep roots; that it is not one of those passionate international animosities that blind men to their own interests, or lead them to sacrifice themselves for the sake of injuring their foe; and, finally, that it would not survive the amendment of the system that has given it birth.[72]

3.  It is assumed that there is a universal desire for Separation.  That there is a strong sentiment of nationality we of course admit; it is part of the case, and not the worst part.  But the sentiment of nationality is a totally different thing from a desire for Separation.  Scotland might teach our pseudo-Unionists so much as that.  Nowhere in the world is the sentiment of nationality stronger, yet there is not a whisper of Separation.  That there is a section of Irishmen who desire Separation is notorious, but everything that has happened since the Government of Ireland Bill was introduced, including the remarkable declarations of Mr. Parnell in accepting the Bill (June 7), and including the proceedings at Chicago, shows that the separatist section is a very small one either in Ireland or in America, and that it has become sensibly smaller since, and in consequence of, the proposed concession of a limited statutory constitution.  The Irish are quite shrewd enough to know that Separation, if it were attainable—­and they are well aware that it is not—­would do no good to their markets; and to that knowledge, as well as to many other internal considerations, we may confidently look for the victory of strong centripetal over very weak centrifugal tendencies.  Even if we suppose these centrifugal tendencies to be stronger than I would allow them to be, how shall we best resist them—­by strengthening the hands and using the services of the party which, though nationalist, is also constitutional; or by driving that party also, in despair of a constitutional solution, to swell the ranks of Extremists and Irreconcilables?

4.  Whatever may be the ill-feeling towards England, it is at least undeniable that there are bitter internal animosities in Ireland, and a political constitution, our opponents argue, can neither assuage religious bigotry nor remove agrarian discontent.