tenets of the great English parties than there was
twenty years ago, when Mr. Disraeli had not yet completed
the education of one party, and economic laws were
still revered by the other. But, besides its tenets,
each party has its tendencies, its sympathies, its
moral atmosphere; and these differ so widely as to
make the co-operation of Tories and Liberals constrained
and cumbrous. Moreover, there are the men to be
considered, the leaders on each side, whose jealousies,
rivalries, suspicions, personal incompatibilities,
neither old habits of joint action nor corporate party
feeling exist to soften. On the whole, therefore,
it is unlikely that the league of these two parties,
united for one question only, and that a question
which will pass into new phases, can be durable.
Either the league will dissolve, or the smaller party
will be absorbed into the larger. In England,
as in America, third parties rarely last. The
attraction of the larger mass is irresistible, and
when the crisis which created a split or generated
a new group has passed, or the opinion the new group
advocates has been either generally discredited or
generally adopted, the small party melts away, its
older members disappearing from public life, its younger
ones finding their career in the ranks of one of the
two great standing armies of politics. If the
dissentient, or anti-Home Rule, Liberal party lives
till the next general election, it cannot live longer,
for at that election it will be ground to powder between
the upper and nether millstones of the regular Liberals
and the regular Tories.
The Irish struggle of 1886 has had another momentous
consequence. It has brought the Nationalist or
Parnellite party into friendly relations with the
mass of English Liberals. When the Home Rule party
was founded by Mr. Butt, some fifteen years ago, it
had more in common with the Liberal than with the
Tory party. But as it demanded what both English
parties were then resolved to refuse, it was forced
into antagonism to both; and from 1877 onward (Mr.
Butt being then dead) the antagonism became bitter,
and, of course, specially bitter as toward the statesmen
in power, because it was they who continued to refuse
what the Nationalists sought. Mr. Parnell has
always stated, with perfect candour, that he and his
friends must fight for their own hand unhampered by
English alliances, and getting the most they could
for Ireland from the weakness of either English party.
This position they still retain. If the Tory
party will give them Home Rule, they will help the
Tory party. However, as the Tory party has gained
office by opposing Home Rule, this contingency may
seem not to lie within the immediate future.
On the other hand, the Gladstonian Liberals have lost
office for their advocacy of Home Rule, and now stand
pledged to maintain the policy they have proclaimed.
The Nationalists have, therefore, for the first time
since the days immediately following the Union of A.D.