dissension.  On those grounds he would like to see the proposal waived.  Signor Orlando half seriously, half jokingly, reminded his colleagues that none of their countries had, like his, a pope in their capital.  The Italian government must, therefore, proceed in religious matters with the greatest circumspection, and could not lightly assent to any measure capable of being manipulated to the detriment of the public interest.  Hence he was unable to give the motion his support.  It was finally suggested that both proposals be withdrawn.  To this Colonel House demurred, on the ground that President Wilson, who was unavoidably absent, attached very great weight to the declaration, to which he hoped the delegates would give their most favorable consideration.  One of the members then rose and said, “In that case we had better postpone the voting until Mr. Wilson can attend.”  This suggestion was adopted.  When the matter came up for discussion at a subsequent sitting, the Japanese substituted “nations” for “races.”

In the meantime the usual arts of parliamentary emergency were practised outside the Conference to induce the Japanese to withdraw their proposal altogether.  They were told that to accept or refuse it would be to damage the cause of the future League without furthering their own.  But the Marquis Saionji and Baron Makino refused to yield an inch of their ground.  A conversation then took place between the Premier of Australia, on the one side, and Baron Makino and Viscount Chinda, on the other, with a view to their reaching a compromise.  For Mr. Hughes was understood to be the leader of those who opposed any declaration of racial equality.  The Japanese statesmen showed him their amendment, and asked him whether he could suggest a modification that would satisfy himself and them.  The answer was in the negative.  To the arguments of the Japanese delegates the Australian Premier is understood to have replied:  “I am willing to admit the equality of the Japanese as a nation, and also of individuals man to man.  But I do not admit the consequence that we should throw open our country to them.  It is not that we hold them to be inferior to ourselves, but simply that we do not want them.  Economically they are a perturbing factor, because they accept wages much below the minimum for which our people are willing to work.  Neither do they blend well with our people.  Hence we do not want them to marry our women.  Those are my reasons.  We mean no offense.  Our restrictive legislation is not aimed specially at the Japanese.  British subjects in India are affected by it in exactly the same way.  It is impossible that we should formulate any modifications of your amendment, because there is no modification conceivable that would satisfy us both.”

The Japanese delegates were understood to say that they would maintain their motion, and that unless it passed they would not sign the document.  Mr. Hughes retorted that if it should pass he would refuse to sign.  Finally the Australian Premier asked Baron Makino whether he would be satisfied with the following qualifying proviso:  “This affirmation of the principle of equality is not to be applied to immigration or nationalization.”  Baron Makino and Viscount Chinda both answered in the negative and withdrew.