them insensible to the less immediate restraints of
a religious character. These phenomena are not
unusual concomitants of protracted wars. History
records numerous examples of the homecoming soldiery
turning the weapons destined for the foreign foe against
political parties or social classes in their own country.
In other European communities for some time previously
a tendency toward root-reaching and violent change
was perceptible, but as the state retained its hold
on the army it remained a tendency. In the case
of Russia—the country where the state, more
than ordinarily artificial and ill-balanced, was correspondingly
weak—Fate had interpolated a blood-stained
page of red and white terror in the years 1906-08.
Although fitful, unorganized, and abortive, that wild
splutter was one of the foretokens of the impending
cataclysm, and was recognized as such by the writer
of these pages. During the foregoing quarter
of a century he had watched with interest the sowing
of the dragon’s teeth from which was one day
to spring up a race of armed and frenzied men.
Few observers, however, even in the Tsardom, gaged
the strength or foresaw the effects of the anarchist
propaganda which was being carried on suasively and
perseveringly, oftentimes unwittingly, in the nursery,
the school, the church, the university, and with eminent
success in the army and the navy. Hence the widespread
error that the Russian revolution was preceded by no
such era of preparation as that of the encylopedists
in France.
Recently, however, publicists have gone to the other
extreme and asserted that Dostoyevsky, Tolstoy, Gorky,
and a host of other Russian writers were apostles
of the tenets which have since received the name of
Bolshevism, and that it was they who prepared the Russian
upheaval just as it was the authors of the “Encyclopedia”
who prepared the French Revolution. In this sweeping
form the statement is misleading. Russian literature
during the reigns of the last three Tsars—with
few exceptions, like the writings of Leskoff—was
unquestionably a vehicle for the spread of revolutionary
ideas. But it would be a gross exaggeration to
assert that the end deliberately pursued was that form
of anarchy which is known to-day as Bolshevism, or,
indeed, genuine anarchy in any form. Tolstoy
and Gorky may be counted among the forerunners of
Bolshevism, but Dostoyevsky, whom I was privileged
to know, was one of its keenest antagonists.
Nor was it only anarchism that he combated. Like
Leskoff, he was an inveterate enemy of political radicalism,
and we university students bore him a grudge in consequence.
In his masterly delineation[273] of a group of “reformers,”
in particular of Verkhovensky—whom psychic
tendency, intellectual anarchy, and political crime
bring under the category of Bolshevists—he
foreshadowed the logical conclusion, and likewise the
political consummation, of the corrosive doctrines
which in those days were associated with the name
of Bakunin. In the year 1905-06, when the upshot