one already published by the New Europe.[209] Signor Orlando glanced at the map and in courteous phraseology unfolded the reasons why he could not entertain the settlement proposed.  He added that no Italian parliament would ratify it.  Thereupon the President turned the discussion to politico-ethical lines, pointed out the harm which the annexation of an alien and unfriendly element could inflict upon Italy, the great advantages which cordial relations with her Slav neighbor would confer on her, and the ease with which she might gain the markets of the new state.  A young and small nation like the Jugoslavs would be grateful for an act of generosity and would repay it by lasting friendship—­a return worth far more than the contentious territories.  “Ah, you don’t know the Jugoslavs, Mr. President,” exclaimed Signor Orlando.  “If Italy were to cede to them Dalmatia, Fiume, and eastern Istria they would forthwith lay claim to Trieste and Pola and, after Trieste and Pola, to Friuli and Gorizia.”

After some further discussion Mr. Wilson said:  “Well, I am unable to reconcile with my principles the recognition of secret treaties, and as the two are incompatible I uphold the principles.”  “I, too,” rejoined the Italian Premier, “condemn secret treaties in the future when the new principles will have begun to regulate international politics.  As for those compacts which were concluded during the war they were all secret, not excluding those to which the United States was a party.”  The President demurred to this reservation.  He conceived and put his case briefly as follows:  Italy, like her allies, had had it in her power to accept the Fourteen Points, reject them, or make reserves.  Britain and France had taken exception to those clauses which they were determined to reject, whereas Italy signified her adhesion to them all.  Therefore she was bound by the principles underlying them and had forfeited the right to invoke a secret treaty.  The settlement of the issues turning upon Dalmatia, Istria, Fiume, and the islands must consequently be taken in hand without reference to the clauses of that instrument.  Examined on their merits and in the light of the new arrangements, Italy’s claims could not be upheld.  It would be unfair to the Jugoslavs who inhabit the whole country to cut them off from their own seaboard.  Nor would such a measure be helpful to Italy herself, whose interest it was to form a homogeneous whole, consolidate her dominions, and prepare for the coming economic struggle for national well-being.  The principle of nationality must, therefore, be allowed full play.

As for Fiume, even if the city were, as alleged, an independent entity and desirous of being incorporated in Italy, one would still have to set against these facts Jugoslavia’s imperative need of an outlet to the sea.  Here the principle of economic necessity outweighs those of nationality and free determination.  A country must live, and therefore be endowed with the wherewithal to support life.  On these grounds, judgment should be entered for the Jugoslavs.