[97] Journal de Geneve, May 18, 1919.
[98] The New York Herald (Paris edition), August 14, 1919.
[99] Cf. Paris papers of February 2, 1919, and The Public Ledger (Philadelphia), February 4, 1919.
[100] Cf. L’Echo de Paris, April 19, 1919.
[101] In April, 1919.
[102] About April 10,1919.
[103] On March 19, 1919.
[104] Cf. my cablegram published in The Public Ledger (Philadelphia), January 12, 1919.
[105] Cf. The Public Ledger (Philadelphia), February 5, 1919.
[106] Doctor Bunke, Councilor at the court of Dantzig, endeavors in The Dantzig Neueste Nachrichten to prove that the problem of Dantzig was solved exclusively in the interests of the Naval Powers, America and Britain, who need it as a basis for their commerce with Poland, Russia, and Germany. Cf. also Le Temps, August 23, 1919
[107] The New York Herald (Paris edition), March 1, 1919.
[108] Lysis, author of Demain, and many other remarkable studies of economic problems, and editor of Le Democratie Nouvelle, May 30, 1919.
[109] For an account of analogous bargainings with Bela Kuhn, see the Chapter on Rumania.
[110] Bearing the number 3882.
[111] On October 12, 1918, and February 1, 1919
[112] On February 4, 1919.
[113] La Democratie Nouvelle, May 30, 1919
[114] See his admirable article in The New York Herald (Paris edition) of May 21, 1919, from which the following extract is worth quoting: “I have said that certain great forces have steadily and occultly worked for a German peace. But I mean, in fact, one force—an international finance to which all other forces hostile to the freedom of nations and of the individual soul are contributory. The influence of this finance had permeated the Conference, delaying the decisions as long as possible, increasing divisions between people and people, between class and class, between peace-makers and peace-makers, in order to achieve two definite ends, which two ends are one and the same.
“The first end was so to manipulate the minds of the peace-makers, of their hordes of retainers and ‘experts,’ as to bring about, if possible, a peace that would not be destructive to industrial Germany. The second end was so to delay the Russian question, so to complicate and thwart every proposed solution, that, at last, either during or after the Peace Conference, a recognition of the Bolshevist power as the de facto government of Russia would be the only possible solution.”
[115] “What confidence can be commanded by men who, asserting one week that the ultimate of human wisdom has been attained in a document, confess the next week that the document is frail? When are we to believe that their confessions are at an end?”—The Chicago Tribune (Paris edition), August 23, 1919.