This is partly a statement of fact, and partly an inference.  The fact is not true, and the inference is fallacious.  The resolutions were not Mr. Duffy’s.  On the contrary, one main object with those who adopted them, without discussion, was to avoid the expression of an opinion on several abstract principles forming the groundwork of his report.  Secondly, he exercised little or no influence in the debate which led to their adoption by the Confederation.  Thirdly, they were warmly sustained by the influence, personal and otherwise, as well as by the exertion and ability of the very men who, according to a recent contemptible sneer, “improvised a revolution.”  Every one of them, Mr. O’Brien, Mr. Meagher, Mr. Dillon, Mr. O’Gorman, and myself, spoke in favour of them, and against Mr. Mitchel’s amendment.  And, finally, even if this were not so and that the rashness of the outbreak really involved deep culpability, Mr. Duffy cannot claim exemption from his share of the blame.

I subjoin the Resolutions and Amendment.  The division took place at ten o’clock, on Saturday morning, February the 5th, 1848, when the former were adopted, by a majority of 318 to 188:—­

“Resolved:  That inasmuch as letters, published by two members of this Council, have brought into question the principles of the Irish Confederation, and have given rise to an imputation that we are desirous to produce a general disorganisation of society in this country, and to overthrow social order, we deem it right again to place before the public the following fundamental rule, as that which constitutes the basis of action proposed to our fellow-countrymen, by the Irish Confederation:—­

    RULE

“That a society be now formed, under the title of ’The Irish Confederation,’ for the purpose of protecting our national interests, and obtaining the legislative independence of Ireland, by the force of opinion, by the combination of all classes of Irishmen, and the exercise of all the political, social and moral influences within our reach.

“II.  That (under present circumstances) the only hope of the liberation of this country lies in a movement in which all classes and creeds of Irishmen shall be fairly represented, and by which the interests of none shall be endangered.

“III.  That inasmuch as English legislation threatens all Irishmen with a common ruin, we entertain a confident hope their common necessities will speedily unite Irishmen in an effort to get rid of it.

    “IV.  That we earnestly deprecate the expression of any
    sentiments in the Confederation, calculated to repel or alarm
    any section of our fellow-countrymen.

    “V.  That we disclaim, as we have disclaimed, any intention of
    involving our country in civil war, or of invading the just
    rights of any portion of its people.

    “VI.  That the Confederation has not recommended, nor does it
    recommend, resistance to the payment of rates and rents, but, on
    the contrary, unequivocally condemns such recommendations.