to this great result; first, the gradual extension of the franchise to all sections of the people, and second, the fact that the principles of organization and leadership have been highly developed.  In one respect, however, Mr. Lilly is right.  The zenith has been passed.  Party government is not the same to-day in England as it was twenty years ago.  But the fault lies not with the extension of the suffrage, but with the fact that the principles of organization and leadership are less operative.  True, the extension of the franchise is indirectly concerned in the failure, but the primary cause is that the present system of election is unable to bear the increased strain.  It no longer suffices to organize the people into two coherent parties.  The effect on the parties is correctly noted by Mr. Lilly.  “A danger which ever besets them,” he declares, “is that of sinking into factions.”

Now, the result of the want of organization is the presence in Parliament of small independent factions, which, by holding the balance of power, cause the main parties to degenerate into factions.

This tendency is apparent even in England, and the rock on which the parties have split is the Irish faction.  Into the merits of the Irish question we do not propose to enter; it is the career of the faction in Parliament which interests us.  But it may be noted that the Irish party rests on a three-fold basis as a faction; it is based mainly on a class grievance, and is also partly racial and partly religious.  It was the Irish party in the House of Commons which first discovered that, by keeping aloof from the two main parties, it could terrorize both; and thus found out the weak spot in party government.  Its tactics were successful up to a certain point, for Mr. Gladstone succumbed to the temptation to purchase its support, and brought in the Home Rule Bill.  The result is known to all; the historical Liberal party was rent in twain; party lines were readjusted; Mr. Gladstone was left in a hopeless minority; and the remnant of his following is to-day in the same condition.  What is the lesson to be learned from these events?  That these tactics cannot succeed in the long run.  All interests suffer, but the culprits most of all.  Moreover, such tactics are unconstitutional, and would in some circumstances justify retaliatory measures.  Let us trace the constitutional course.  The Irish members could have exerted a considerable influence on the policies of both Liberals and Conservatives, just as the Scotch did.  If they had followed this course, might they not have been in a better position to-day?

Of course, the Irish faction can hardly be said to be the result of the present system of election; it is mainly the expression of old wrongs.  But it has set the example, and the disintegration of the old parties is rapidly proceeding.  One feature, however, in connection with the present system in Ireland may be mentioned, and that is the permanent disfranchisement of the minority.  In the greater part of Ireland there is no such thing as a contest between the main parties.  If a system were introduced by which the minority could get its share of representation the parties would compete on even terms for the support of the people, and good feeling would tend to be restored.