with them the settlement of their own domestic concerns.  It will be our aim to pursue a firm and dignified foreign policy, which shall be just, impartial, ever watchful of our national honor, and always insisting upon the enforcement of the lawful rights of American citizens everywhere.  Our diplomacy should seek nothing more and accept nothing less than is due us.  We want no wars of conquest; we must avoid the temptation of territorial aggression.  War should never be entered upon until every agency of peace has failed; peace is preferable to war in almost every contingency.  Arbitration is the true method of settlement of international as well as local or individual differences.  It was recognized as the best means of adjustment of differences between employers and employees by the Forty-ninth Congress, in 1886, and its application was extended to our diplomatic relations by the unanimous concurrence of the Senate and House of the Fifty-first Congress in 1890.  The latter resolution was accepted as the basis of negotiations with us by the British House of Commons in 1893, and upon our invitation a treaty of arbitration between the United States and Great Britain was signed at Washington and transmitted to the Senate for its ratification in January last.  Since this treaty is clearly the result of our own initiative; since it has been recognized as the leading feature of our foreign policy throughout our entire national history—­the adjustment of difficulties by judicial methods rather than force of arms—­and since it presents to the world the glorious example of reason and peace, not passion and war, controlling the relations between two of the greatest nations in the world, an example certain to be followed by others, I respectfully urge the early action of the Senate thereon, not merely as a matter of policy, but as a duty to mankind.  The importance and moral influence of the ratification of such a treaty can hardly be overestimated in the cause of advancing civilization.  It may well engage the best thought of the statesmen and people of every country, and I cannot but consider it fortunate that it was reserved to the United States to have the leadership in so grand a work.

It has been the uniform practice of each President to avoid, as far as possible, the convening of Congress in extraordinary session.  It is an example which, under ordinary circumstances and in the absence of a public necessity, is to be commended.  But a failure to convene the representatives of the people in Congress in extra session when it involves neglect of a public duty places the responsibility of such neglect upon the Executive himself.  The condition of the public Treasury, as has been indicated, demands the immediate consideration of Congress.  It alone has the power to provide revenues for the Government.  Not to convene it under such circumstances I can view in no other sense than the neglect of a plain duty.  I do not sympathize with the sentiment that Congress