all that we feel and know.  Fragments of Pitt’s oratory only have reached us, and of these but few can be pronounced wholly authentic.  What that oratory must have been we learn from its effects.  More is not vouchsafed us.  What remains to us of Murray’s speeches in Parliament is equally meager and unsatisfactory, but we may judge of his power by reflecting upon the character of the assailant with whom he successfully wrestled.  There must surely have been wonderful capability of argument, vast knowledge, a faculty of persuasion irresistible in its winning grace, all combined in the man able, by the mere force of quiet intellectual skill, to bear the brunt of an assault which threatened demolition in its furious advance, and to turn aside blows intended for annihilation.  Lord Chesterfield addressing his son, points to Pitt and Murray as to two great models for imitation.  Contemporary history assigns to them the highest place among their fellows.

In 1756 Sir Dudley Ryder died, and Murray immediately claimed the vacant Chief Justiceship.  The Duke of Newcastle was panic-stricken by the announcement.  It has it said that from the beginning the Attorney-General had been the mainstay of the Government; but at this particular crisis his adherence was essential to its life.  The nation was discontented and sullen, as well it might be.  War, carried on in almost every part of the world, had resulted in lasting disgrace to England.  Minorca had been lost to her through the folly or cowardice of an English admiral, and elsewhere ignominious defeat had attended her arms.  Addresses from the Throne poured in, intimations of stopping the supplies were thrown out, and unmistakable references made to the conduct of the chiefs of the Government.  Fox, the only capable Minister, resigned his office in fear and disgust, and, at the very moment when Newcastle turned to Murray as to his last hope and refuge in the coming storm, that cautious and resolute official respectfully demanded the promotion to which he had a right.  Alarmed for his place and his head, the Duke promised the Attorney-General enough to make the fortunes of six if he would but forego his purpose.  He should have the Duchy of Lancaster for life, tellerships and reversions without end for himself and his nephew, Lord Stormont; if he would only stay in the House of Commons until the address was carried he should have a pension of 6,000l. a-year; offers rose as Murray showed himself more firm.  Temptation came in vain.  Murray averred that he “would on no terms agree to remain in the House of Commons for one session longer, or one month, or one day, even to support the address;” he “never again would enter that assembly.”  If he could not be Chief Justice he would not be Attorney-General.  That peremptory avowal was enough.  To keep Murray from opposition, Newcastle conferred upon the country the only great boon he ever bestowed upon it, and made the Attorney-General Chief Justice of the King’s Bench.  The poor Duke gained little by the move.  Forced in his naked helplessness to resign, he was succeeded by the Duke of Devonshire, who took care to appoint Pitt Secretary of State, and to give him the lead in the House of Commons.