of liberty; and they wanted a strong central government
because only by such means could their liberties,
which consisted fundamentally in the ability to enjoy
and increase their property, be guaranteed. Their
interests were threatened by the disorganized state
governments in two different but connected respects.
These governments did not seem able to secure either
internal order or external peace. In their domestic
policy the states threatened to become the prey of
a factious radical democracy, and their relations
one to another were by way of being constantly embroiled.
Unless something could be done, it looked as if they
would drift in a condition either of internecine warfare
without profit or, at best, of peace without security.
A centralized and efficient government would do away
with both of these threats. It would prevent or
curb all but the most serious sectional disputes,
while at the same time it would provide a much stronger
guarantee for internal political order and social
stability. An equally strong interest lay at the
roots of anti-Federalism and it had its theory, though
this theory was less mature and definite. Behind
the opposition to a centralized government were the
interests and the prejudices of the mass of the American
people,—the people who were, comparatively
speaking, lacking in money, in education, and in experience.
The Revolutionary War, while not exclusively the work
of the popular element in the community, had undoubtedly
increased considerably its power and influence.
A large proportion of the well-to-do colonial Americans
had been active or passive Tories, and had either
been ruined or politically disqualified by the Revolution.
Their successful opponents reorganized the state governments
in a radical democratic spirit. The power of the
state was usually concentrated in the hands of a single
assembly, to whom both the executive and the courts
were subservient; and this method of organization
was undoubtedly designed to give immediate and complete
effect to the will of a popular majority. The
temper of the local democracies, which, for the most
part, controlled the state governments, was insubordinate,
factious, and extremely independent. They disliked
the idea of a centralized Federal government because
a supreme power would be thereby constituted which
could interfere with the freedom of local public opinion
and thwart its will. No less than the Federalists,
they believed in freedom; but the kind of freedom they
wanted, was freedom from anything but local interference.
The ordinary American democrat felt that the power
of his personality and his point of
view would be diminished by the efficient centralization
of political authority. He had no definite intention
of using the democratic state governments for anti-social
or revolutionary purposes, but he was self-willed
and unruly in temper; and his savage treatment of the
Tories during and after the Revolution had given him
a taste of the sweets of confiscation. The spirit
of his democracy was self-reliant, undisciplined,
suspicious of authority, equalitarian, and individualistic.