ordinary man by means of unjust laws and institutions.
Neither can this indictment be dismissed without argument.
When Mr. Muirhead’s book was written sixteen
years ago, the majority of good Americans would assuredly
have read the charge with an incredulous smile; but
in the year 1909 they might behave differently.
The sins of which Mr. Muirhead accused Americans sixteen
years ago are substantially the sins of which to-day
they are accusing themselves—or rather one
another. A numerous and powerful group of reformers
has been collecting whose whole political policy and
action is based on the conviction that the “common
people” have not been getting the Square Deal
to which they are entitled under the American system;
and these reformers are carrying with them a constantly
increasing body of public opinion. A considerable
proportion of the American people is beginning to
exhibit economic and political, as well as personal,
discontent. A generation ago the implication was
that if a man remained poor and needy, his poverty
was his own fault, because the American system was
giving all its citizens a fair chance. Now, however,
the discontented poor are beginning to charge their
poverty to an unjust political and economic organization,
and reforming agitators do not hesitate to support
them in this contention. Manifestly a threatened
obstacle has been raised against the anticipated realization
of our national Promise. Unless the great majority
of Americans not only have, but believe they have,
a fair chance, the better American future will be
dangerously compromised.
The conscious recognition of grave national abuses
casts a deep shadow across the traditional American
patriotic vision. The sincere and candid reformer
can no longer consider the national Promise as destined
to automatic fulfillment. The reformers themselves
are, no doubt, far from believing that whatever peril
there is cannot be successfully averted. They
make a point of being as patriotically prophetic as
the most “old-fashioned Democrat.”
They proclaim even more loudly their conviction of
an indubitable and a beneficent national future.
But they do not and cannot believe that this future
will take care of itself. As reformers they are
bound to assert that the national body requires for
the time being a good deal of medical attendance, and
many of them anticipate that even after the doctors
have discontinued their daily visits the patient will
still need the supervision of a sanitary specialist.
He must be persuaded to behave so that he will not
easily fall ill again, and so that his health will
be permanently improved. Consequently, just in
so far as reformers are reformers they are obliged
to abandon the traditional American patriotic fatalism.
The national Promise has been transformed into a closer
equivalent of a national purpose, the fulfillment
of which is a matter of conscious work.