those defects which are specially characteristic of
the civilization of the Old World. The United
States cannot claim to be exempt from manifestations
of economic slavery, of grinding the faces of the
poor, of exploitation of the weak, of unfair distribution
of wealth, of unjust monopoly, of unequal laws, of
industrial and commercial chicanery, of disgraceful
ignorance, of economic fallacies, of public corruption,
of interested legislation, of want of public spirit,
of vulgar boasting and chauvinism, of snobbery, of
class prejudice, of respect of persons, and of a preference
of the material over the spiritual. In a word,
America has not attained, or nearly attained, perfection.
But below and behind, and beyond all its weakness
and evils, there is the grand fact of a noble national
theory founded on reason and conscience.”
The reader will remark in the foregoing quotation
that Mr. Muirhead is equally emphatic in his approval
and in his disapproval. He generously recognizes
almost as much that is good about Americans and their
ways as our most vivacious patriotic orators would
claim, while at the same time he has marshaled an
army of abuses and sins which sound like an echo of
the pages of the London Saturday Review.
In the end he applies a friendly dash of whitewash
by congratulating us on the “grand fact of our
noble national theory,” but to a discerning
mind the consolation is not very consoling. The
trouble is that the sins with which America is charged
by Mr. Muirhead are flagrant violations of our noble
national theory. So far as his charges are true,
they are a denial that the American political and
economic organization is accomplishing the results
which its traditional claims require. If, as
Mr. Muirhead charges, Americans permit the existence
of economic slavery, if they grind the face of the
poor, if they exploit the weak and distribute wealth
unjustly, if they allow monopolies to prevail and
laws to be unequal, if they are disgracefully ignorant,
politically corrupt, commercially unscrupulous, socially
snobbish, vulgarly boastful, and morally coarse,—if
the substance of the foregoing indictment is really
true, why, the less that is said about a noble national
theory, the better. A man who is a sturdy sinner
all the week hardly improves his moral standing by
attending church on Sunday and professing a noble
Christian theory of life. There must surely be
some better way of excusing our sins than by raising
aloft a noble theory of which these sins are a glaring
violation.
I have quoted from Mr. Muirhead, not because his antithetic characterization of American life is very illuminating, but because of the precise terms of his charges against America. His indictment is practically equivalent to the assertion that the American system is not, or at least is no longer, achieving as much as has been claimed on its behalf. A democratic system may permit undefiled the existence of many sins and abuses, but it cannot permit the exploitation of the