power upon his weakness. In fact, the whole philosophy
on this subject will be found practically embodied
in the household economy of Rome about the time of
Hannibal, as unfolded by Plautus. The relations
of master and servant are there exhibited in a state
of absolute pessimism: any thing worse, it is
beyond the wit of men to imagine. Respect or
deference on the part of the slave towards his master,
there is none: contempt more maliciously expressed
for his master’s understanding, familiarity
more insolent, it is difficult to imagine. This
was in part a tendency derived from republican institutions:
but in part also it rests upon the vicious independence
in the master of all authority founded upon moral
forces. Instant physical coercion, the power
of cross, gallows, pistrinum, and the domestic
scourge—these were the forces which made
the Roman master careless of verbal disrespect, indifferent
to censure, from them whose opinions were as impotent
as those of an infant. The slave, again, on his
side, is described as so thoroughly degraded, that
he makes the disfiguration of his own person by the
knout, the cancellation of his back by stripes
and scars—a subject of continual merriment.
Between two parties thus incapacitated by law and
usage for manly intercourse, the result was exactly
such by consummation as on many parts of the Continent
it still is by tendency. The master welcomed
from his slave that spirit of familiar impertinence
which stirred the dull surface of domestic life, whilst,
at any moment, a kick or a frown could silence the
petty battery when it was beginning to be offensive.
Without a drawback, therefore, to apprehend where
excesses too personal or stinging could be repressed
as certainly as the trespasses of a hound, the Plautine
master drew from his servant, without anxiety, the
comic services which, in the middle ages, were drawn
from the professional “fool.” This
original vice in the constitution of society, though
greatly mitigated, in the course of two centuries
from the era of Plautus, by the progress of intellectual
luxury, was one main fountain of that coarseness which,
in every age, deformed the social intercourse of Romans;
and, especially, it was the fountain of that odious
scurrility and tongue-license which defeated the majestic
impression else sure to have waited on the grand position
of the senate. Cicero himself was as great a
ruffian in his three functions of oratory, viz.
at the bar, in the popular assemblies, and in the
senate—he was as foul a libeller—as
malignant—and as plebeian in his choice
of topics—as any “verna” in
Rome when sparring with another “verna.”
This scandal of Roman society was not, undoubtedly,
a pure product, from the vernile scurrility of which
we hear so much in Roman writers—other
causes conspired; but certainly the fluency which men
of rank exhibited in this popular accomplishment of
Billingsgate had been at all times sustained by the
models of this kind resounding for ever in the streets