When the relief depots, the local committees, and the public works got into gear, much was done during the summer months to alleviate the terrible distress; but as soon as the Government advances and subscriptions to the committees began to be exhausted, the cry for food was again heard from many parts of the country.[98]

At this time there were one hundred and twenty-three workhouses open, and great as the people’s aversion was to them the inmates went on steadily increasing.  In the month of December, 1845, the total number in those workhouses was 41,118; in March, 1846, 50,717; and on the 13th of June, the highest point attained during the year was arrived at, there being, on that day, 51,302 persons receiving in-door relief.  On the 29th of August, owing, of course, to the harvest having come in, the number had fallen to 43,655.  In ordinary years, when there was neither blight, nor fear of blight, it was deemed good husbandry to procure foreign seed potatoes, and if this could not be done, farmers at least tried to procure “strange” seed, grown at a distance from their own farms.  A larger and in every way a better crop was the usual result of this practice.  After the potato blight of 1845, the procuring of sound, and if possible of foreign seed, for planting in Ireland was of the utmost importance, and indeed Sir Robert Peel had included, in his new tariff, the admission of foreign potatoes free, in the hope of securing good seed for the planting of 1846; but as the Corn and Customs’ Bill did not become law until the end of June, this provision could be of no avail for that year.

The Peel Government was defeated on the Irish Coercion Act on the 25th of June, and the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel announced their resignation on the 29th in the Upper and Lower Houses respectively.  The Duke contented himself with the simple announcement; but Sir Robert made a speech, reviewing and defending his conduct whilst minister.  Of Ireland he said little, except that he had the full intention of serving her in every way, by dealing with the land and other questions, telling us patronizingly, that she was entitled to a “complete equality of municipal and political rights.”  But this was only the old stereotyped liberality of a beaten minister—­beaten on an Irish Coercion Act—­speaking by anticipation from the Opposition benches, and endeavouring to plant thorns in the path of his successful rival.  The sentiment, such as it was, was received with much cheers, and some murmurs.  Strange enough the murmurs are not to be found in Hansard, although reported in the newspapers of the day.