After a passing allusion to the deputation that waited on the Lord Lieutenant, he at once takes the landlords to task.  “It had been our hope and expectation,” he says, “that landed proprietors would have commenced works of drainage and other improvements, on their own account:  thus employing the people on their own estates, and rendering the land more productive for the future.  The Act, [the Labour-rate Act,] however, was put in operation in the baronies in a spirit the reverse of that which I have described ...  When the case was brought before the Government by the Lord Lieutenant, we lamented the wrong direction in which the Act had been turned; but admitting the necessity of the case, and anxious to obtain the willing co-operation of the landlords, we authorized the Lord Lieutenant to deviate from the letter of the law, and gave our sanction for advances for useful and profitable works of a private nature.  But after having incurred the responsibility, I am sorry to see that, in several parts of Ireland, calls are made upon the Government, to undertake and perform tasks which are beyond their power, and apart from the duties of Government.”  The political-economy Premier then enunciates this principle:  “Any attempt to feed one class of the people of the United Kingdom by the Government, would, if successful, starve another part—­would feed the producers of potatoes, which had failed, by starving the producers of wheat, barley, and oats, which had not failed.”  He proceeds:  “That which is not possible by a Government is possible by individual and social exertions.  Everyone who travels through Ireland observes the large stacks of corn, which are the produce of the late harvest.  There is nothing to prevent the purchase of grain by proprietors or committees, and the disposal of these supplies in shops furnished on purpose with flour at a fair price, with a moderate profit.  This has been done, I am assured, in parts of the Highlands of Scotland, where the failure of the potatoes has been as great and as severe a calamity as it has been in Ireland.[176] There is, no doubt, some inconvenience attending even these modes of interference with the market price of food; but the good over-balances the evil.  Local committees or agents of landowners can ascertain the pressure of distress, measure the wants of a district, and prevent waste and misapplication.  Besides, the general effect is to bring men together, and induce them to exert their energy in a social effort directed to one spot; whereas the interference of the State deadens private energy, prevents forethought—­and after superseding all other exertion, finds itself, at last, unequal to the gigantic task it has undertaken.”  Towards the end of his letter, the First Minister gives his views on another point or two.  “One thing,” he writes, “is certain—­in order to enable Ireland to maintain her population, her agriculture must be greatly improved.  Cattle, corn, poultry, pigs, eggs, butter, and salt provisions have been, and will probably continue to be, her chief articles of export.  But beyond the food exchanged for clothing and colonial products, she will require, in future, a large supply of food of her own growth and produce, which the labourer should be able to buy with his wages.”