accorded to other Dissenters. On this footing
they did go on, ex-Bishops and future Bishops among
them, with increasing security; and gradually the
notion got abroad that the Protector began to have
even a kindly feeling for the “good old Church.”
Many Royalist authorities concur to that effect.
“The Protector,” says one, “indulged
the use of the Common-Prayer in families and in private
conventicles; and, though the condition of the Church
of England was but melancholy, yet it cannot be denied
that they had a great deal more favour and indulgence
than under the Parliament.” Burnet, on the
authority of Dr. Wilkins, afterwards Bishop Wilkins,
who was the second husband of Cromwell’s youngest
sister, adds a more startling statement. “Dr.
Wilkins told me,” says Burnet, “he (Cromwell)
often said to him (Wilkins) no temporal government
could have a sure support without a national church
that adhered to it, and he thought England was capable
of no constitution but Episcopacy; to which he told
me he did not doubt but Cromwell would have turned.”
Wilkins probably liked to think this after he himself
had turned; but it is hardly credible in the form
in which Burnet has expressed it. Yet Cromwell,
in that temper of conservatism, or desire of a settled
order in all things, which more and more grew upon
him after he had assumed the Protectorate, had undoubtedly
the old Episcopalian clergy in view as a body to be
conciliated, and employed as a counterpoise to the
Anabaptists. He cannot but have been aware, too,
of the spontaneous movements in some of the quasi-Presbyterian
Associations of the clergy for a reunion as far as
possible with the more moderate Episcopalians, as
distinct from the High-Church Prelatists or Laudians.
Among others, Baxter was extremely zealous for such
a project; and his accounts of his correspondence
about it with ex-Bishop Brownrigg in 1655, and his
conversations about it at the same time with ex-Primate
Usher, are very curious and interesting. Baxter
and many more were quite willing that there should
be a restored Episcopacy after Usher’s own celebrated
model: i.e. an Episcopacy not professing
to be jure divino, but only for ecclesiastical
conveniency,—the Bishops to be permanent
Presidents of clusters of the clergy, and to be fitted
into an otherwise Presbyterian system of Classes and
Provincial Synods. They were willing, moreover,
in the interest of such a scheme, to reconsider the
old questions of a Liturgy, kneeling at the Sacrament,
and other matters of Anglican ceremonial. Enough
all this to rouse the angry souls of Smectymnuus,
Milton, and the other Root-and-Branch Anti-Prelatists
who had led the English Revolution. But, as times
change, men change, and it is not impossible that Cromwell,
the first real mover of the Root-and-Branch Bill of
1641, may now, fifteen years later, have looked speculatively
sometimes at the old trunk in the timberyard.
It is certain that he treated with profound respect