would prove successful or undisturbed.”
At that time, accordingly, Milton was so engrossed
with his Church-disestablishment notion as to be comparatively
careless about the general question of the Form of
Government. But, two months later, as we have
seen, in his Letter on the Ruptures of the Commonwealth
occasioned by Lambert’s assault on the Rump,
he had abandoned this indifference, and had proposed
a model Constitution of his own, adapted to the immediate
exigencies. From that time, we may now report,
though Church-disestablishment was never lost sight
of, the question of the Form of Government had fastened
itself on Milton’s mind as after all the main
one. From that time he never ceased to ruminate
it himself, and he attended more to the speculations
and theories of others on the same subject. If,
once or twice in the winter months of 1659, Cyriack
Skinner, the occasional chairman of the Rota Club,
did not persuade Milton to leave his house in Petty
France late in the evening, and be piloted through
the streets to the Coffee-house in New Palace Yard
to hear one of the great debates of the Club, and
become acquainted with their method of closing the
debate by a ballot, it would really be a wonder.——Not
in the Rota Club, however, but in the Committee of
Safety at Whitehall and in the Wallingford-House Council,
was the real and practical debate in progress.
On the 1st of November the Committee had appointed
their sub-committee of six to deliberate on the new
Constitution; and through the rest of the month, both
in the sub-committee and in the general committee,
there had been that intricate discussion in which
Vane led the extreme party, or party of radical changes,
while Whitlocke stood for lawyerly use and wont in
all things, and Johnstone of Warriston threw in suggestions
from his peculiar Scottish point of view. So
far as Milton was cognisant of the discussion, his
hopes must have been in the efforts of his friend
Vane. If any one could succeed in inducing his
colleagues to insert articles for Church-disestablishment
and full Liberty of Conscience into the new Constitution,
who so likely as he who had held those articles as
tenets of his private creed so much earlier and so
much more tenaciously than any other public man?
Seven years ago Milton had described him on this account
as Religion’s “eldest son,” on whose
firm hand she could lean in peace. Now that he
was again in power, and that not merely as one of
a miscellaneous Parliamentary body, but as one of
a small committee of leaders drafting a Constitution
de novo, what might he not accomplish?
That Vane did battle in Committee for the notions
he held in common with Milton, and for others besides,
we already know; but we know also that the massive
resistance of Whitlocke, backed outside by the lawyers
and the Savoy clique of the clergy, was too much for
Vane, and that the draft Constitution as it emerged
ultimately was substantially Whitlocke’s.
It was on the 6th of December that this draft Constitution