Government put forth their proclamation of a new Parliament,
this was so apparent that Whitlocke and his friends
at the centre might well doubt whether that Parliament
would ever meet. By that time, at all events,
Lambert had begun to curse his own folly in not having
fallen upon Monk at first, and in having let himself
afterwards be deluded so long by the phantom of a renewed
treaty at Newcastle. For what had been the news,
and continued to be the news, post after post?
Colonel Whetham, Governor of Portsmouth, formerly
Monk’s associate in the Scottish Council, now
in declared cooperation with him, and holding the
town for the Rump; Hasilrig, Morley, and Walton, gone
to Portsmouth to turn the revolt to account; these
and other members of the late Rump, such as Neville;
Scott, and Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, openly resuming
their functions and issuing documents in which they
declared General Monk, “the ablest and most
experienced commander in these nations,” to be
“warranted in his present actings” by their
express commission; risings or threatenings of risings
in various parts of England, whether Royalist or Republican
not known, but equally troublesome to the existing
powers; Admiral Lawson and his Fleet actually in the
Thames with an avowal at length of allegiance to the
late Parliament only, and resisting all Vane’s
persuasions the other way; the Army in Ireland, which
had seemed so safe, now in a confused ferment, with
Sir Hardress Waller, Sir Charles Coote, Colonel Theophilus
Jones, and others, promoting a general demonstration
in Monk’s behalf! Lambert’s own Army
was infected. That part of it which was called
the Irish Brigade, as consisting of regiments that
had been brought from Ireland at the time of Sir George
Booth’s insurrection, sympathised with Monk
openly; the rest were dubious or listless. In
the rear of Lambert in Yorkshire, though he can hardly
yet have known the fact, Lord Fairfax was organising
a movement, really with Royalist aims, but to take
the form of a concerted combination with Monk as soon
as Monk should advance. But it was in London
itself, close round the powers at Whitehall, that
their weakness had become most notorious and alarming.
For some time the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Common
Council had been acting almost as an independent authority;
the citizens were resolute against the payment of
taxes, and had formed associations to resist their
collection; all that was Cavalierish in the city was
astir, with all that was Republican, in daily displays
of contempt for the Wallingford-House junta and their
soldiery. Hewson’s regiment, marching through
the city, had been jeered at by the apprentices and
pelted with stones. In the centre of these London
tumults, Fleetwood, the Commander-in-chief, and the
honorary head of the Government, had shown himself
incapable even of the local management. Of Fleetwood,
all in all, indeed, one knows not, by this time, what
to think. The combination of mild qualities which
Milton had eulogised in him in 1654 did not now suit.