by Dr. Owen, there was a vehement speech from Desborough.
The essence of the speech was that “several sons
of Belial” had crept into the Army, corrupting
its former integrity, and that therefore he would
propose that every officer should be cashiered that
would not “swear that he did believe in his conscience
that the putting to death of the late King, Charles
Stuart, was lawful and just.” Amid the
cheers that followed, Lords Howard and Falconbridge
(two of the denounced “sons of Belial"?) left
in disgust; but Broghill remained and opposed bravely.
He disliked all tests; but, if there was to be a test,
he would propose that it should be simply an oath
“to defend the Government as it is now established
under the Protector and Parliament.” If
the present meeting insisted on a test, and did not
adopt that one, he would see that it should be moved
in Parliament. This, supported by Whalley and
Goffe, calmed the meeting somewhat; and, after much
more speaking, in which the necessity of a separation
of the military power from the civil was a prominent
topic, the result was “A Humble Representation
and Petition of the Officers of the Armies of England,
Scotland, and Ireland,” expressed in general
and not unrespectful terms, but conveying sufficiently
the Army’s demands. Presented to Richard
in Whitehall on the 6th of April, this petition was
forwarded by him to the Commons on the 8th, with a
letter to the Speaker. For more than a week no
notice was taken by the House; but, the petition having
been circulated in print, with other petitions and
documents more fierce for “the good old cause,”
and the general council of officers still continuing
the meetings at Wallingford House, with the excitement
of sermons and prayers added to that of their debates,
the House was driven at last into that attitude of
direct antagonism to the Army in the name of the Protectorate
on which both Royalists and Republicans had calculated.
Thurloe would fain have avoided this, and had almost
longed for some Cavalier outbreak to occupy the two
conflicting Protectoral parties and reunite them.
But the numerous Cavaliers in London had been well
instructed and lay provokingly still; and the management
of the crisis for Richard had passed from Thurloe
to the House itself. On Monday the 18th of April,
in a House of 250, with shut doors to prevent any
from leaving, it was resolved, by 163 votes to 87,
“That, during the sitting of the Parliament there
shall be no general council or meeting of the officers
of the Army without the direction, leave, and authority
of his Highness the Lord Protector and both Houses
of Parliament”; and it was also resolved, “That
no person shall have or continue any command or trust
in any of the Armies or Navies of England, Scotland,
or Ireland, or any of the Dominions or Territories
thereto belonging, who shall refuse to subscribe,
That he will not disturb nor interrupt the free meetings
in Parliament of any of the members of either House
of Parliament, or their freedom in their debates and
counsels.” The concurrence of the Other
House was desired in these votes; and the Commons,
who had noted with surprise that Hasilrig, Ludlow,
Scott, and Vane, rather took part with the Army in
the debate, proceeded to the serious consideration
of the arrears of pay due to the officers and soldiers,
and of other real military grievances, in order to
reconcile the Army, if possible, to their strong Resolutions.[1]