Moreover, in spite of the generous action taken by outstanding individuals, the general mass of Unionist opinion was grudging and uncordial.  A friend who was then closely in touch with it described to me the attitude of Dublin clubs:  “They were almost sorry Redmond had done the right thing.”  Such men were part of Ireland, and all Ireland was remote from war.  For them, now as always, Home Rule was the paramount consideration, and none could deny that the prospects for Home Rule were immensely improved by Redmond’s action.  In these days, when an end of the conflict was expected in three months, when every check to the Germans was magnified out of all reason, there was no sense of the relative value of issues.  Everywhere in Unionist society and in the Irish Unionist Press there was ungenerous and unfriendly criticism which did much harm.

Two things could have checked these forces for evil.  The first would have been an immediate decision to make Home Rule law.  This would have put an end to the pestilent growth of suspicion among Nationalists, and it would have enabled Redmond to launch at once his appeal for soldiers.  The other would have been a decision to make good the pledge contained in the Government’s message to Lord Aberdeen and to accept in some practical way the offered service of the Volunteers.

The latter of these courses involved no controversy with Ulster, and to it Redmond first addressed himself.  He made constant appeals in private to Ministers; he was angry and disappointed over the delay:  and after a week he thought it necessary to raise the matter in the House.  He asked the Prime Minister whether British Territorials were to be sent to Ireland to replace the troops which had been withdrawn—­a step which would have been equivalent to a rejection of his offer.  On this point he received satisfaction; Territorials would not be sent.  He asked then if the Prime Minister could not say at once what steps would be taken to arm and equip the Volunteers.  Mr. Asquith’s reply emphasized the great difficulty which stood in the way.  “I do not say,” he added, “that it is insuperable.”  The first part was the voice of Lord Kitchener; the second, the voice of the Government which had sent the telegram of August 8th.

In the War Office the desire to give the National Volunteers as far as possible what they wanted did not exist, and the Government, who had that desire, had not the determination to enforce it.  Such a position can never be for long concealed.  Let it be remembered, too, that all through these days there was proceeding in Dublin a public inquiry into the events of the Howth gun-running and the affray at Bachelor’s Walk, and some measure of Redmond’s difficulties may be obtained.

Nevertheless, his policy was winning:  and when Parliament rose for an adjournment, he spent his first Sunday in Ireland motoring to Maryborough, where he inspected a great muster of Volunteers, and was able to speak to them with gladness of the response to his appeal.