The Opposition was noticeably silent, and next day some embarrassment was apparent when they proceeded with a previously arranged Vote of Censure on the Government for the military and naval movements in connection with which the Curragh incident had occurred.  The sum of these movements amounted to despatching four companies to points in Ulster at which very large stores of arms and ammunition were lying under very small guard—­and at one of which there was a battery of field guns with no protecting infantry.  It was regarded as at least possible that the stores might be rushed by “evil-disposed persons, not fully under the control of their leaders.”  It was also regarded as possible that the movement of these companies might be resisted and that much larger operations might be thereby involved.  The stationing of the Fleet opposite the Belfast coast was part of the measures taken against this latter contingency.

All this preparation was denounced as a conspiracy organized by Mr. Churchill with intent to provoke rebellion and put it down by a massacre.  In view of the important military operation which Ulster had just carried out against the Crown, Mr. Churchill was not without justification in comparing the motion to a vote of censure by the criminal classes on the police.  Yet, after much hard hitting in speech, he once more led the way in retreat from the Government’s position.  Sir Edward Grey had declared, speaking for the Government, that beyond the six years’ limit they could not go.  Mr. Churchill himself had declared the Government’s offer would be and should be their last word.  Yet now, avowedly on his own account, and not speaking for the Cabinet, he proposed that a new negotiation should be opened with Sir Edward Carson.

This proposal elicited no response, and the debate continued that day in a line of violent recrimination.  But next day Sir Edward Carson rose and affirmed that he had previously declared his willingness to advise Ulster to close with a proposal giving exclusion until a Federal scheme had been considered, when the whole matter should be reviewed “in the light of the action of the Irish Parliament and how they got on.”  Now he said: 

“I shall try to make an advance on what I said before.  I will say this—­and I hope the House will believe me, because, though I do not want to be introducing my own personality into it, I am myself a southerner in Ireland—­I would say this:  That if Home Rule is to pass, much as I detest it, and little as I will take any responsibility for the passing of it, my earnest hope, and indeed I would say my most earnest prayer, would be that the Government of Ireland for the South and West would prove, and might prove, such a success in the future, notwithstanding all our anticipations, that it might be even for the interest of Ulster itself to move towards that Government, and come in under it and form one unit in relation to Ireland.  May I say something more than that?  I would be glad to see such a state of things arising in Ireland, in which you would find that mutual confidence and goodwill between all classes in Ireland as would lead to a stronger Ireland as an integral unit in the federal scheme.  While I say all that, that depends upon goodwill, and never can be brought about by force.”