The Covenant in that committed the signatories to no breach of the law; it was only a pledge to refuse to recognize the authority of a Parliament not yet in being.  All Ulster’s proceedings might so far be dismissed, as the Attorney-General, Mr. Rufus Isaacs, dismissed them, as being “a demonstration admirably stage-managed, and led by one of great histrionic gifts.”  The threats of the use of force, said the Attorney-General, would not turn them aside by a hair’s-breadth.  Mr. Asquith, equally vigorous in his speech, was less decisive in his conclusions.  Speaking at Ladybank on October 5th, he denounced “the reckless rodomontade of Blenheim, which furnishes forth the complete grammar of anarchy.”  But he was careful to point out that there was no demand for separate treatment for Ulster, and that Irish Unionists were simply refusing to consent to Home Rule under any conditions.  He refrained from saying how a demand for separate treatment of Ulster would be dealt with if it were made.

When Parliament resumed its sittings, in a temper much heated by all the challenge and controversy of the recess, Mr. Lloyd George pushed this line of argument a shade further.  He argued that Sir Edward Carson himself persisted in treating Ireland as a unit.

“Until Ulster departs from that position there is no case.  Ulster has a right to claim a hearing for separate treatment; she has no right to say, ’Because we do not want Home Rule ourselves the majority of Irishmen are not to have Home Rule.’”

Yet upon the balance of events, Unionists were probably disappointed.  A very strong British feeling against Sir Edward Carson and his Belfast following had been generated by the expulsion of Catholics from the shipyards and in general by the advocacy of civil war.  In October 1912 several notable men who had previously counted as Unionists—­Sir Arthur Conan Doyle, Sir Frederick Pollock, Sir J. West-Ridgway—­all declared for Home Rule.  Exasperation against the incidence of the new Insurance Act lost the Government votes at every by-election; but the Irish cause on the whole gained ground, and the chief cause of that advance was the respect universally felt for Redmond’s personality and leadership.  On November 22nd he attended a huge meeting of the National Liberal Federation at Nottingham along with the Prime Minister and received a wonderful welcome.  The step was novel.  Never since Parnell’s work began had the leader of the Irish people stood on the same platform in Great Britain with the leader of any English party.  It was, however, the return of a compliment, for Mr. Asquith had come to Dublin in the summer and there spoken along with the Irish leader.  Moreover, a recent incident had shown how necessary it was to maintain the closest co-operation; a snap division on November 11th had inflicted defeat on the Government and occasioned loss of perhaps a fortnight’s parliamentary time.

But in the very act of thus strengthening his hold on the British electorate, Redmond gave ground to those in Ireland who desired to represent him as a mere tool of the Liberal party, a pawn in Mr. Asquith’s game.  Foreseeing this evil did not help to combat it, and on the whole it was Redmond’s inclination to take a sanguine view of his country’s good sense and generosity.