“We shall use any means—­whatever means seem to us to be most likely to be effective—­any means to deprive them” (the Government) “of the power they have usurped and to compel them to face the people whom they have deceived.  The Home Rule Bill in spite of us may go through the House of Commons.  There are things stronger than parliamentary majorities.  I can imagine no length of resistance to which Ulster will go in which I shall not be ready to support them, and in which they will not be supported by the overwhelming majority of the British people.”

Sir Edward Carson said on behalf of Ulster:  “It will be our duty shortly to take such steps—­and, indeed, they are already being taken—­as will perfect our arrangements for making Home Rule absolutely impossible.  We will shortly challenge the Government to interfere with us if they dare.  We will do this regardless of consequences, of all personal loss and inconvenience.  They may tell us, if they like, that this is treason.”

Well might Mr. Bonar Law say in returning thanks that this day “would be a turning-point in their political history.”

Moderate opinion was by no means glad to have reached this turning-point, and The Times rebuked Mr. Law for his violence.  But, tactically, the Unionists were right:  they had a Government indisposed to action and they made the most of their opportunity.  Mr. Churchill again took up the conduct of the controversy, and in the recess proceeded to outline a policy which he described as federal devolution.  The Prime Minister had said you could no more split Ireland into parts than England or Scotland.  But Mr. Churchill argued that, in the interest of efficiency, England must be divided into provincial units with separate assemblies; that Lancashire, for instance, had on many matters a very different outlook from that of Yorkshire.  He did not draw the conclusion; but it was not difficult to infer that Mr. Churchill was at least as ready to give separate rights to Ulster as to any group of English counties, and was equally ready to pitch overboard the Prime Minister’s argument for refusing partition in Ireland.

In the meantime Ulster’s preparations continued.  It was indicated that they would bear a religious character, and the Protestant Churches were deeply involved.  The proposal of a Covenant was made public in August, though the actual signing of it was deferred to “Ulster Day,” September 28th.  Sir Edward Carson was provided with a guard carrying swords and wooden rifles, and in one instance dummy cannon made a feature of the pageant.  These things excited a good deal of derision, and the language of the Covenant was held to be only “hypothetical treason.”  The main words were: 

“We stand by one another in defending for ourselves and our children our cherished position of equal citizenship in the United Kingdom and in using all means which may be found necessary to defeat the present conspiracy to set up a Home Rule Parliament in Ireland.”