“If the constitutional movement disappears, the Prime Minister will find himself face to face with a revolutionary movement, and he will find it impossible to preserve any of the forms even of constitutionalism.  He will have to govern Ireland by the naked sword.  I cannot picture to myself a condition of things in which the Prime Minister, with his record behind him, would be an instrument to carry out a government of that kind....  I say this plainly.  No British statesman, no matter what his platonic affection for Home Rule may have been in the past, no matter what party he may belong to, who by his conduct once again teaches the Irish people the lesson that any National leader who, taking his political life in his hands, endeavours to combine local and Imperial patriotism—­endeavours to combine loyalty to Ireland’s rights with loyalty to the Empire—­anyone who again teaches the lesson that such an one is certain to be let down and betrayed by this course, is guilty of treason, not only to the liberties of Ireland but to the unity and strength and best interests of this Empire.”

After these bitter words he called on his colleagues not “to continue a useless and humiliating debate,” but to withdraw from the House:  and we accordingly followed him into the lobby.  In our absence the discussion continued, in a tone not flattering to the Government.  It was remarkable for one utterance from Mr. Healy, concerning Redmond: 

“I wish to say at the outset that in my opinion this Empire owes him a debt of gratitude which it can never repay, and I wish also to say of him as an opponent that in my opinion, if his advice had been taken by the War Office, it is absolutely true, as he contends, that you would have marshalled in Ireland from two hundred thousand to three hundred thousand men, from whom large drafts could have been drawn; and I will further say I believe if his advice had been taken the elements of rebellion would have been appeased.”

It was plain that matters could not stay at this point; but our breach with the Government was complete for the moment.  Redmond’s demand was for a full and definite statement of policy, which should be made in the House of Commons and there discussed.  On May 15th Mr. Bonar Law announced that the Prime Minister would make a communication to the leaders of Irish parties.  It was explained that this method of outlining the proposals would be only preliminary to discussion.

On that evening a great banquet to General Smuts was given in the House of Lords by Parliament.  Strong pressure was used with Redmond to attend it, and he consented unwillingly.  He was ill—­physically ill, probably with the beginnings of his fatal disease—­and morally sick at heart and out of hope.  Another Irish election in South Longford had been strenuously fought by the party and had been won by the Sinn Feiner; a decisive factor in the election was the issue of a letter from Archbishop Walsh which grossly misrepresented