had been brought forward”; that the Cabinet did not desire to consult him about these at all; and on the 22nd Mr. Lloyd George and Mr. Herbert Samuel were instructed to convey to him the Cabinet’s decision, with an intimation that there would be no further discussion or consultation.  That decision was to make the exclusion of six counties permanent, and to withdraw the provision for retaining Irish members at full strength during the transitory period.

Redmond attacked no individual.  His anger was beyond words.  He said this, however: 

“Some tragic fatality seems to dog the footsteps of this Government in all their dealings with Ireland.  Every step taken by them since the Coalition was formed, and especially since the unfortunate outbreak in Dublin, has been lamentable.  They have disregarded every advice we tendered to them, and now in the end, having got us to induce our people to make a tremendous sacrifice and to agree to the temporary exclusion of these Ulster counties, they throw this agreement to the winds, and they have taken the surest means to accentuate every possible danger and difficulty in the Irish situation.”

That day really finished the constitutional party and overthrew Redmond’s power.  We had incurred the very great odium of accepting even temporary partition—­and a partition which, owing to this arbitrary extension of area, could not be justified on any ground of principle; we had involved with us many men who voted for that acceptance on the faith of Redmond’s assurance that the Government were bound by their written word; and now we were thrown over.

Apart from the effect on Redmond’s position, the result was to engender in Ireland a temper which made settlement almost impossible.  No British Minister’s word would in future be accepted for anything; and any Irishman who attempted to improve relations between the countries was certain to arouse anger and contempt in his countrymen.

More particularly the relations between Irish members and the most powerful members of the Government were hopelessly embittered.  Mr. Lloyd George put aside completely—­probably he never for a moment entertained—­the thought of seriously threatening resignation because his agreement with the Irish was repudiated by his colleagues.  He was entirely engrossed with the work of the War Office, where he thought, and was justified in thinking, himself indispensable.  Mr. Asquith, whose object was to keep unity in his Government at all costs, when it came to a choice whether to quarrel with the Irish who formed no part of it, or with the Unionists who were his colleagues, had no hesitation which side to throw over.