The same considerations precluded the possibility of a referendum in Ulster.  Nationalists accepted an area defined by agreement.  It left out of “Ulster” the three counties, Donegal, Cavan and Monaghan, in whose eight constituencies no Unionist had been returned since 1885.  But it left to the excluded area the counties of Tyrone and Fermanagh, each with a Nationalist majority, and the boroughs of Newry and Londonderry, both represented by Home Rulers.

This was a provision which no body of men could be expected to acquiesce in permanently as representing the equity of the case.  It was accepted for the sake of peace, as a temporary expedient.  A strong inducement was added by Mr. Lloyd George’s proposal that at the close of the provisional period the whole matter should be referred to a Council of the Empire with the Prime Ministers of the Dominions taking a hand in the settlement.  But to guarantee and seal its provisional and transitory character an extraordinary clause was added.  Until a permanent settlement was reached, the Irish membership at Westminster was to remain at its original number of 103.

The document embodying these conclusions was accepted in identical terms by each side, and each party of negotiators set out for Ireland to endeavour to secure acceptance of it.  But before he left London Sir Edward Carson asked for an interpretation of the terms.  Did the agreement mean that none of the six excluded counties could be brought under a Dublin Parliament without an Act of Parliament?  In other words, was the exclusion permanent until Parliament should otherwise determine?  He was answered that the Prime Minister accepted this interpretation, and would be prepared to say so when the matter came before Parliament.  Knowledge of these communications was not conveyed to Redmond.  Redmond’s interpretation was that at the termination of the war this arrangement lapsed, and the Home Rule Act, which was the law of the land, came into force.  If Ulster, or any part of it, were to be excluded, it must be by a new amending Act.  Had the assurance given to Sir Edward Carson been conveyed to Redmond, either the negotiations must have been resumed or they must have been rendered abortive.

On June 13th the Ulster Council accepted the terms, no doubt with great reluctance.  The signatories to the Covenant in the three western counties felt themselves betrayed.  The whole body found itself committed to acceptance of Home Rule in principle for twenty-six counties.  But the war necessity was pressed upon them and they submitted.

The Nationalist Convention met ten days later in Belfast.  Mr. Devlin had been strenuous in his exertions throughout the province, but the whole force of the ecclesiastical power was thrown against him.  Apart from the detestation of partition, the Catholic Church conceived that the principle of denominational education would be lost in the severed counties, where the dominant Presbyterian element was opposed to it.  Very many delegates came to the Convention pledged in advance to resist the proposals:  and the general anticipation was that Redmond would be thrown over.