Faced with this dilemma, if a Conscription Bill be introduced, the
     Irish party will be forced to oppose it as vigorously as possible
     at every stage.

     I regret having to write you in this way, but it is only right that
     I should be quite frank in the matter.

     Very truly yours,

     J.E.  REDMOND.

     RT.  HON.  H.H.  Asquith, M.P., Prime Minister,

Assurances reached him that the first tentative Bill for compelling unmarried men to enlist would only be introduced to fulfil a pledge given by Mr. Asquith in connection with the Derby Scheme, and that as the Derby Scheme had not applied to Ireland, the pledge also had no bearing there.  By December 21st the matter was raised in the House of Commons.  Redmond, after the Prime Minister had spoken, defined what he was careful to call “my personal view” on the question of compulsory service.

“I am content to take the phrase used by the Prime Minister.  I am prepared to say that I will stick at nothing—­nothing which is necessary, nothing which is calculated to effect the purpose—­in order to end this war.”  He added:  “That is the view, I am certain, of the people of Ireland.”

The whole question was presented by him as “one of expediency and necessity, not of principle.”  From that standpoint he declared himself unconvinced that the adoption of compulsion in any shape was either expedient or necessary.  It was inexpedient because it would “break up the unity of the country”—­unnecessary because they had already many more men than they could either train or equip.  In Ireland, a limited task had been defined, to keep up the necessary reserves for fifty-three battalions of infantry, and he pointed to the fact that so far the new organization of recruiting was producing the stipulated flow.

On these grounds, he said, the Irish party would oppose the measure, and on January 5th that opposition was offered, though Ireland was excluded from the Bill.  But the first division showed a majority of more than ten to one for the proposal; and in face of that, when the House returned to the discussion, Redmond declared that Irish opposition must cease—­especially in view of the support given by the responsible leaders of Labour.  Sir Edward Carson, following, pressed him to go one step farther and accept the inclusion of Ireland in the Bill.  Nothing, he said, could do so much to conciliate Ulster.  This was the first time that any suggestion of this possibility had come from that quarter, and it came in backing a suggestion which Redmond could not accept.  I was not present at the debate, and it is hard to judge of such matters from the printed record, but the impression on my mind is that the suggestion was made without any desire to embarrass.  A few days later, in the Committee stage, an Ulster member moved an amendment which would have included Ireland.  Mr. Bonar Law, speaking for the Government, advised against