and in camp, with the inevitable creation and fostering of a military spirit, would have led to a large number of volunteers for foreign service.  Our views counted for nought.  In this instance they were not only our views.  These views had the approval of the Irish Command, and from the purely military point of view the Irish Command was in favour of some such scheme as I had outlined, and the reason was plain.  They have to provide, and are providing to this day, 20,000 to 25,000 men from the Regular Army for the defence of the coasts of Ireland—­guarding the coast, guarding piers, railways, bridges, and so forth.  If these men of ours had been taken up, within two or three months of training and in camp they would have been able to do this work, and would have done it ever since, and would thereby have released from 20,000 to 25,000 men.  That is the chief reason, I fancy, why the Military Command in Ireland were in favour of this idea.  But to this moment the refusal continues.  I see that an unofficial Bill was introduced by the Marquess of Lincolnshire into the House of Lords doing, to a great measure, for England and Wales what we have been asking should be done for Ireland.  I claim that that Bill shall be extended to Ireland.”

The Volunteer Bill came to the House of Commons in a form making it applicable to Ireland.  There it was opposed by Sir Edward Carson, who demanded that no man of military age should be accepted as a volunteer unless he consented to enlist for general service if called.  This killed the Bill.

Sir Edward Carson was of opinion that the necessities of the case demanded universal compulsory service; and conscription was already in sight.  With that prospect Redmond’s anxiety became very grave.

On November 15th he wrote his mind to the Prime Minister: 

     HOUSE OF COMMONS,

     November 15, 1915.

     Private.

     MY DEAR MR. ASQUITH,

I have been in a state of great anxiety for some time on the question of a possible Conscription Bill, and I have discussed the matter fully with Mr. Birrell, who knows my views, and who, no doubt, has communicated them to you.

     I think it well, however, to shortly put, in writing, our position.

In your Dublin speech you asked the Irish people for “a free offering from a free people,” and the response has been, taking everything into account, in the words of Lord Kitchener, “magnificent.”

Recruiting is now going on at a greater rate than ever in Ireland, and it would be a terrible misfortune if we were driven into a position on the question of conscription which would alienate that public opinion which we have now got upon our side in Ireland.

     The position would, indeed, be a cruel one, if conscription were
     enacted for England, and Ireland excluded.

     On the other hand, I must tell you that the enforcement of
     conscription in Ireland is an impossibility.