the ear of the world.  To-day, at last, that ear, so long poisoned with calumnies of our people, is now open to the voice of Ireland.  Two years ago the public opinion of the world—­aye, and even of this free land of America—­was doubtful as to the justice of our movement; to-day the opinion of the civilized world, and of America in particular, is clearly and distinctly on our side.”

On the other hand, in England the forces of reaction had succeeded.  The Home Rule Bill had been defeated and the Liberal party broken up.  A Government was in power whose programme was one of coercion.  But Ireland, Redmond said, was ready for the fight and confident that with the weapons at command the enemy could be defeated.

Who were the enemy, and what the weapon?  His speech made this plain.

“Once more Irish landlords have behaved themselves with unaccountable folly and stupidity.  They have once more stood between Ireland and her freedom, and have refused even an extravagant price for the land because the offer was coupled with the concession of an Irish Parliament.  So be it.  I believe the last offer has been made to Irish landlordism.  The ultimate settlement of this question must now be reserved for the Parliament of Ireland, and meantime the people must take care to protect themselves and their children.  In many parts of Ireland, I assert, rent is to-day an impossibility, and in every part of Ireland the rents demanded are exorbitant, and will not, and cannot, be paid.”

He was wrong.  The settlement of this vast question was to be accomplished through the Imperial Parliament, not the Irish.  Yet it was accomplished in essence by an agreement between Irishmen for which Redmond himself was largely responsible.

That settlement, however, merely ratified in 1903 the final stage in the conversion of both countries to Parnell’s policy of State-aided land purchase.  Tentative beginnings were made with it under the Government which was in power from 1886 to 1892; but the main characteristic of this period was a fierce revival of the land war.  It was virulent in Wexford, and in 1888 Redmond shared the experience which few Irish members escaped or desired to escape; he was sentenced to imprisonment on a charge of intimidation for a speech condemning some evictions.  He and his brother met in Wexford jail, and both used to describe with glee their mutual salutation:  “Good heavens, what a ruffian you look!” Cropped hair and convict clothes were part of Mr. Balfour’s resolute government.

Yet in those days Ireland was winning, and winning fast.  Mr. Gladstone’s personal ascendancy, never stronger than in the wonderful effort of his old age, asserted itself more and more.  Public sympathy in Great Britain was turning against the wholesale evictions, the knocking down of peasants’ houses by police and military with battering-rams.  The Tory party sought for a new political weapon, and one day The Times came out with the facsimile of what purported to be a letter in Parnell’s hand.  This document implied at least condonation of the Phoenix Park murders.