of the Manchu Dynasty, that he himself was half-convinced,
the last argument necessary being the secret promise
that he should become the first President of the united
Republic. In the circumstances, had he been really
loyal, it was his duty either to resume his warfare
or resign his appointment as Prime Minister and go
into retirement. He did neither. In a thoroughly
characteristic manner he sought a middle course, after
having vaguely advocated a national convention to settle
the matter. By specious misrepresentation the
widow of the Emperor Kwanghsu—the Dowager
Empress Lung Yu who had succeeded the Prince Regent
Ch’un in her care of the interests of the child
Emperor Hsuan Tung—was induced to believe
that ceremonial retirement was the only course open
to the Dynasty if the country was to be saved from
disruption and partition. There is reason to believe
that the Memorial of all the Northern Generals which
was telegraphed to Peking on the 28th January, 1912,
and which advised abdication, was inspired by him.
In any case it was certainly Yuan Shih-kai who drew
up the so-called Articles of Favourable Treatment
for the Manchu House and caused them to be telegraphed
to the South, whence they were telegraphed back to
him as the maximum the Revolutionary Party was prepared
to concede: and by a curious chance the attempt
made to assassinate him outside the Palace Gates actually
occurred on the very day he had submitted an outline
of these terms on his bended knees to the Empress
Dowager and secured their qualified acceptance.
The pathetic attempt to confer on him as late as the
25th January the title of Marquess, the highest rank
of nobility which could be given a Chinese, an attempt
which was four times renewed, was the last despairing
gesture of a moribund power. Within very few
days the Throne reluctantly decreed its own abdication
in three extremely curious Edicts which are worthy
of study in the appendix. They prove conclusively
that the Imperial Family believed that it was only
abdicating its political power, whilst retaining all
ancient ceremonial rights and titles. Plainly
the conception of a Republic, or a People’s
Government, as it was termed in the native ideographs,
was unintelligible to Peking.
Yuan Shih-kai had now won everything he wished for.
By securing that the Imperial Commission to organize
the Republic and re-unite the warring sections was
placed solely in his hands, he prepared to give a type
of Government about which he knew nothing a trial.
It is interesting to note that he held to the very
end of his life that he derived his powers solely
from the Last Edicts, and in nowise from his compact
with the Nanking Republic which had instituted the
so-called Provisional Constitution. He was careful,
however, not to lay this down categorically until
many months later, when his dictatorship seemed undisputed.
But from the day of the Manchu Abdication almost, he
was constantly engaged in calculating whether he dared
risk everything on one throw of the dice and ascend
the Throne himself; and it is precisely this which
imparts such dramatic interest to the astounding story
which follows.