parliament will get in the constitutional monarchy,
but I would like to point out here that it is better
to give them less power than to deceive them.
If they are given less power, and if they want
more, they will contend for it. Should the government
deem it advisable to give them a little more, well
and good. Should they be unfit for the possession
of greater power, the government can issue a proclamation
giving the reasons for not complying with their
request, and they will not raise trouble knowing
the true intention of the government. However,
honesty is the most important element in the creation
of a constitutional monarchy. It is easy
and simple to practise it. The parliament must
have the power to decide the laws and fix the budgets.
Should its decision be too idealistic or contrary
to the real welfare of the country, the Government
can explain its faults and request it to reconsider
its decision. Should the parliament return the
same decision, the Government can dissolve it
and convoke another parliament. In so doing
the Government respects the parliament instead
of despising it. But what the parliament has decided
should be carried out strictly by the Government,
and thus we will have a real constitutional Government.
It is easy to talk but difficult to act, but China
like all other countries has to go through the experimental
stage and face all kinds of difficulties before a
genuine constitutional government can be evolved.
The beginning is difficult but once the difficulty
is over everything will go on smoothly. I
emphasize that it is better to give the people less
power at the beginning than to deceive them.
Be honest with them is my policy.
Mr. Ko: I thank you very much for
what you have said. Your discussion is interesting
and I can understand it well. The proper method
of procedure and honesty of purpose which you have
mentioned will tend to wipe out all former corruption.
Mr. Ko, or the stranger, then
departed.
On this note the pamphleteer abruptly ends. Having
discussed ad nauseam the inadequacy of all
existing arrangements, even those made by Yuan Shih-kai
himself, to secure a peaceful succession to the presidency;
and having again insisted upon the evil part soldiery
cannot fail to play, he introduces a new peril, the
certainty that the foreign Powers will set up a puppet
Emperor unless China solves this problem herself,
the case of Korea being invoked as an example of the
fate of divided nations. Fear of Japan and the
precedent of Korea, being familiar phenomena, are
given a capital position in all this debate, being
secondary only to the crucial business of ensuring
the peaceful succession to the supreme office.
The transparent manner in which the history of the
first three years of the Republic is handled in order
to drive home these arguments will be very apparent.
A fit crown is put on the whole business by the final
suggestion that the Constitutional Government of China
under the new empire must be a mixture of the Prussian
and Japanese systems, Yang Tu’s last words being
that it is best to be honest with the people!