Associations of the kind we had in our minds, which were to be primarily for purely business purposes, were bound to have many collateral effects.  They would open up outside of politics and religion, but not in conflict with either, a sphere of action where an independence new to the country would have to be exercised.  In Ireland public opinion is under an obsession which, whether political, religious, historical, or all three combined, is probably unique among civilised peoples.  Until the last few years, for example, it was our habit—­one which immensely weakened the influence of Ireland in the Imperial Parliament—­to form extravagant estimates of men, exalting and abasing them with irrational caprice, not according to their qualities so much as by their attitude towards the passion of the hour.  The ups and downs of the reputations of Lord Spencer and Mr. Arthur Balfour in Ireland are a sufficient illustration of our disregard of the old Latin proverb which tells us that no man ever became suddenly altogether bad.  Even now public opinion is too prone to attach excessive value to projects of vague and visionary development, and to underrate the importance of serious thought and quiet work, which can be the only solid foundation of our national progress.  In these new associations—­humble indeed in their origin, but destined to play a large part in the people’s lives—­projects, professing to be fraught with economic benefit, have to be judged by the cruel precision of audited balance sheets, and the worth of men is measured by the solid contribution they have made to the welfare of the community.

* * * * *

I have now accomplished one long stage of my journey towards the conclusion of this discussion of the needs of modern Ireland.  Were I to stop here, probably most of those who had been induced to open yet another book upon the Irish Question would accuse me, and not without justice, of being responsible for a barren graft upon a barren controversy.  I fear no such criticism, whatever other shortcomings may be detected, from those who have the patience to read on.  For when I pass from my own reflections to record the work to which many thousands of my countrymen have addressed themselves in building up the Ireland of the twentieth century, I shall have a story to tell which must inspire hope in all who can be persuaded that Ireland in the past has not often been treated fairly and has never been understood.  I have shown—­and it was necessary to show, if a repetition of misunderstanding was to be avoided—­that the Irish people themselves are gravely responsible for the ills of their country, and that the forces which have mainly governed their action hitherto are rapidly bringing about their disappearance as a distinct nationality.  But I shall now have to tell of the widespread and growing adoption of certain new principles of action which I believe to be consonant with the genius and traditions of the race, and the acceptance of which