I have accepted the common characterisation of the Irish as a leader-following people.  When we come to analyse the human material out of which a strong national life may be constructed, we find that there are in Ireland—­in this connection I exclude the influence of the clergy, with which I have dealt specifically in another chapter—­two elements of leadership, the political and the industrial.  The political leaders are seen to enjoy an influence over the great majority of the people which is probably as powerful as that of any political leaders in ancient or modern times; but as a class they certainly do not take a prominent, or even an active part in business life.  This fact is not introduced with any controversial purpose, and I freely acknowledge can be interpreted in a sense altogether creditable to the Nationalist members.  The other element of leadership contains all that is prominent in industrial and commercial life, and few countries could produce better types of such leaders than can be found in the northern capital of the country.  But, unhappily, these men are debarred from all influence upon the thought and action of the great majority of the people, who are under the domination of the political leaders.  This is one of the strange anomalies of Irish life to which I have already referred.  Its recognition, and the desire to utilise the knowledge of business men as well as politicians, took practical effect in the formation of the Recess Committee.

The idea underlying this project was the combination of these two forces of leadership—­the force with political influence and that of proved industrial and commercial capacity—­in order to concentrate public opinion, which was believed to be inclining in this direction, on the material needs of the country.  The General Election of 1895 had, by universal admission, postponed, for some years at any rate, any possibility of Home Rule, and the cessation of the bitter feelings aroused when Home Rule seemed imminent provided the opportunity for an appeal to the Irish people in behalf of the views which I have adumbrated.  The appeal took the form of a letter, dated August 27th, 1895, by the author to the Irish Press, under the quite sincere, if somewhat grandiloquent, title, “A proposal affecting the general welfare of Ireland.”

The letter set out the general scope and purpose of the scheme.  After a confession of the writer’s continued opposition to Home Rule, the admission was made that if the average Irish elector, who is more intelligent than the average British elector, were also as prosperous, as industrious, and as well educated, his continued demand, in the proper constitutional way, for Home Rule would very likely result in the experiment being one day tried.  On the other hand, the opinion was expressed that if the material conditions of the great body of our countrymen were advanced, if they were encouraged in industrial enterprise, and were provided with practical education in proportion