to his people the power of a god.  Once that people becomes educated in the modern sense, their ideas regarding their ruler and their duties to their ruler necessarily undergo modification.  But does this mean that the sentiment is weakened in the educated class?  I should say that this depends very much upon the quality of the individual mind.  In a mind of small capacity, incapable of receiving the higher forms of thought, it is very likely that the sentiment may be weakened and almost destroyed.  But in the mind of a real thinker, a man of true culture, the sense of loyalty, although changed, is at the same time immensely expanded.  In order to give a strong example, I should take the example not from a monarchical country but from a republican one.  What does the President of the United States of America, for example, represent to the American of the highest culture?  He appears to him in two entirely different capacities.  First he appears to him merely as a man, an ordinary man, with faults and weaknesses like other ordinary men.  His private life is apt to be discussed in the newspapers.  He is expected to shake hands with anybody and with everybody whom he meets at Washington; and when he ceases to hold office, he has no longer any particular distinction from other Americans.  But as the President of the United States, he is also much more than a man.  He represents one hundred millions of people; he represents the American Constitution; he represents the great principles of human freedom laid down by that Constitution; he represents also the idea of America, of everything American, of all the hopes, interests, and glories of the nation.  Officially he is quite as sacred as a divinity could be.  Millions would give their lives for him at an instant’s notice; and thousands capable of making vulgar jokes about the man would hotly resent the least word spoken about the President as the representative of America.  The very same thing exists in other Western countries, notwithstanding the fact that the lives of rulers are sometimes attempted.  England is a striking example.  The Queen has really scarcely any power; her rule is little more than nominal.  Every Englishman knows that England is a monarchy only in name.  But the Queen represents to every Englishman more than a woman and more than a queen:  she represents England, English race feeling, English love of country, English power, English dignity; she is a symbol, and as a symbol sacred.  The soldier jokingly calls her “the Widow”; he makes songs about her; all this is well and good.  But a soldier who cursed her a few years ago was promptly sent to prison for twenty years.  To sing a merry song about the sovereign as a woman is a right which English freedom claims; but to speak disrespectfully of the Queen, as England, as the government, is properly regarded as a crime; because it proves the man capable of it indifferent to all his duties as an Englishman, as a citizen, as a soldier.  The spirit of loyalty is far from being lost in Western countries; it has only changed in character, and it is likely to strengthen as time goes on.