of it,” shouted Mr. Flavin.  “You will have another battle front in Ireland,” interjected Mr. Byrne.  Mr. Flavin, getting more and more excited, called out, with reference to the machinery for enrolment explained by the Prime Minister—­“It will never begin.  Ireland will not have it at any price”; and again, a moment later, “You come across and try to take them.”  Mr. Devlin was fully as fierce as these less prominent members of his party, and after many wrathful interruptions he turned aside the debate into a discussion about a trumpery report of one of the sub-committees of the Irish Convention.

It was truly a sad and shameful scene to be witnessed in the House of Commons at such a moment.  It would have been so even if the contention of the Nationalists had been reasonably tenable.  But it was not.  They maintained that only an Irish Parliament had the right to enforce conscription in Ireland.  But at the beginning of the war they had accepted the proviso that it should run its course before Home Rule came into operation.  And even if it had been in operation, and a Parliament had been sitting in Dublin under Mr. Asquith’s Act, which the Nationalists had accepted as a settlement of their demands, that Parliament would have had nothing to do with the raising of military forces by conscription or otherwise, this being a duty reserved, as in every federal or quasi-federal constitution, for the central legislative authority alone.

But it was useless to point this out to the infuriated Nationalist members.  Mr. William O’Brien denounced the idea of compelling Irishmen to bear the same burden as their British fellow-subjects as “a declaration of war against Ireland”; and he and Mr. Healy joined Mr. Dillon and his followers in opposing with all their parliamentary skill, and all their voting power, the extension to Ireland of compulsory service.  Mr. Healy, whose vindictive memory had not forgotten the Curragh Incident before the war, could not forbear from having an ungenerous fling at General Gough, who had just been driven back by the overwhelming numerical superiority of the German attack, and who, at the moment when Mr. Healy was taunting him in the House of Commons, was re-forming his gallant 5th Army to resist the enemy’s further advance.

In comparison with this Mr. Healy’s stale gibe at “Carson’s Army,” however inappropriate to the occasion, was a venial offence.  Carson himself replied in a gentle and conciliatory tone to Mr. Healy’s coarse diatribe.

“My honourable friend,” he said, “talked of Carson’s Army.  You may, if you like, call it with contempt Carson’s Army.  But it has just gone into action for the fourth time, and many of them have paid the supreme sacrifice.  They have covered themselves with glory, and, what is more, they have covered Ireland with glory, and they have left behind sad homes throughout the small hamlets of Ulster, as I well know, losing three or four sons in many